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(Last updated
April 2008)
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Introduction and Overview
Despite its early pioneering role as a
welfare state, Britain is clearly a social policy laggard with
regard to responses to the gender role and other family changes of
the latter part of the 20th century. In its earlier move toward
economic liberalism in the Thatcher era, and its stress on
means-tested rather than universal benefits, it demonstrated its
membership in what have been called the Anglo-American "family of
nations" (Castles, 1993; Ringen, S., et al., 1997; Kamerman and
Kahn, 1997). Following the US. in recent years Britain moved to
increase its labor flexibility, deregulate wages, contain social
spending, increase privatization, and reduce its unemployment rate
almost to the OECD average. The privacy of the family is a
traditional and well-established core value in British culture. The
assumption continues that government should keep its role limited
with regard to families, intervening only in situations of crisis or
dysfunction.
A report on family policy in Britain
begins with the not uncommon statement that "Britain does not have
and has never had, an explicitly formulated policy with regard to
families and children. Over time, however, British governments have
adopted a range of measures directly or indirectly targeted at
families that have had a significant impact on their standard of
living. Mothers and children constitute a major group of welfare
beneficiaries (HM-Treasury, 1999). Moreover, there has been no
coherent or consistent policy regarding children or families with
children; and children's needs have rarely been the predominant
factor in decision-making. Many would insist, furthermore, that
child policy in Britain has focused on poor children far more than
it has on children in general, and on dependent, handicapped and
troubled children even more than it has on poor children.
Britain's implicit family policy is largely an antipoverty policy,
stressing social assistance and means-tested benefits as its primary
strategy. Defining those in poverty as households with income less
than half the national average after housing costs, the Child
Poverty Action Group (CPAG) says that Britain has one of the highest
rates of child poverty in the western world (BBC Fact Sheet,
5/31/01). In the mid-1990s, Britain had the highest child poverty
rate among the European Union countries (Bradbury & Jantii, 1999).
Its poverty rate among children was only exceeded by the U.S. and
Russia; and it had the highest rate among those countries in which
child poverty rates were higher than poverty rates among the elderly
(Roberts, 1999). In 2000, Britain’s child poverty rate was 16.2
percent, placing it second from the bottom in a ranking of 23
countries (UNICEF, 2007). Nonetheless, the number of children living
in households below sixty percent of median income has significantly
declined, by 25 percent, since the Labour government committed
itself in 1989-99 to eliminating child poverty by the year 2020.
The government’s goals have been
extended in recent years, as family issues grew in political
importance under the Labour government. Among the major concerns now
are: income inequality which has emerged as the seventh highest of
the EU countries (Eurostat, 2007); the social exclusion of children
and families; the prevention of juvenile delinquency and youth
crime; the promotion of better parenting; and a relatively recent
focus on encouraging work by lone mothers and in reducing the
caseload of Britain's social assistance program ("Income Support").
The Labor government has made the
eradication of child poverty by 2020 (halving child poverty by 2010)
one of its central objectives. It is focusing on reducing child
poverty through support to low-income families, and an emphasis on
work and work-related benefits. Current multidimensional strategies
tackle child poverty through education, targeted interventions to
support families with young children, and by supporting innovation
and good practices in the voluntary sector. Britain has begun to
implement a series of policies that reform the tax and benefit
system in its efforts to reduce child poverty and to increase
employment by making work pay. The government's strategy includes:
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Ensuring a decent family income, with work for those who can and
extra support for those who cannot;
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Access to excellent public services - including a world class
education system for all, ensuring that children from poor
backgrounds have the skills and education they need to break the
cycle of disadvantage;
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Interventions such as the Sure Start Programme and Children's
Fund at key stages in life, initially targeted on those with
additional needs, but now applied universally; and
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Harnessing the power and expertise of the voluntary and
community sectors, providing support for innovation and good
practice, and fostering a strategic partnership with these
sectors to fight child poverty.
Reform efforts began in the late 1990s
with increases to the universal Child Benefit and the introduction
of the Working Families' Tax Credit (WFTC). The WFTC targeted the
largest gains on families with children, and was similar to, but
more generous than, the U.S. Earned Income Tax Credit. Following
this, the Children's Tax Credit was enacted in 2001, which targeted
lower and middle income families and more than doubled married
couple tax allowances. The next step in the reform was the
introduction in 2003 of an integrated child tax credit, which
brought together the different strands of support for children in
the universal Child Benefit, Working Families' Tax Credit, Income
Support/Jobseeker's Allowance and the Children's Tax Credit, to
create a seamless system of financial support for children.
Subsequently, an employment tax credit was adopted that complements
the new child tax credit. The employment tax credit is payable
through the wage packet, and is available to low paid working
people, with or without children, as in the WFTC.
According to the British national
expert member of the European Observatory on Family Matters,
Ceridwen Roberts (2000), among the family policy issues causing most
political or public concern now are:
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The high incidence of family and child poverty -- nearly one in
three children in Britain lived below the poverty line (below 60
percent of median income) in 1997, declining to 28 percent by
2004 (or, using the 50 percent threshold, declining from 20
percent in 1995 to 15 percent in 1999) (UNICEF, 2000 and 2005).
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Marriage and relationship stability: High levels of divorce are
accompanied by a growing incidence of cohabitation and
extra-marital childbearing.
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Balancing home and work life. Men in Britain work the largest
hours in Europe.
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Teenage pregnancy -- the highest rate in Europe and not falling
significantly. Most teenage mothers (85 percent) are unmarried
and a very high proportion are financially dependent on the
State" (Family Policy Studies Centre, 2000b).
Social benefits spent on family and
children in 2005 were lower than the EU average, 6.3 percent (est.)
compared to 8.0 percent (est.), and lower than in 1998 (8.8
percent).
Family
research has increased in the UK. The dominant focus in the 1990s
was on family change and diversity. Currently, the needs of young
men and support for fathers are gaining attention; and there have
been recent holistic studies of children and child well being (Kamerman
et al., 2003) such as the National Child Development Study and the
Millennium Cohort Study.
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Highlights
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Government Agencies
According to a report by the British
member of the European Family Observatory, the government confronted
the problem of policy fragmentation across multiple agencies by
establishing a Ministerial Group on the Family in 1998, chaired at a
senior level by the Home Secretary, on which ministers from all
relevant Departments sat. This was an effort at addressing family
policy issues holistically. This Committee led to the publication
of the first ever consultation document on family policy,
"Supporting Families", published in November 1998 and stimulating
extensive public interest. The document contained a record of the
government's main initiatives for families since taking office and
identified areas for further work. On June 8, 2001 a new Department
for Work and Pensions (DfW)P) was formed through the merger of the
former Department of Social Security (DSS) with the employment side
of the Department for Education and Employment (DfEE). (The
Education side was transferred to the new Department for Education
and Skills (DfES)). The new DfWP was responsible for employment,
equality, benefits, pensions, and child support. Its priorities were
to link employment services and Income Support benefits (social
assistance) and to support equality and social inclusion for all.
Responsibility for Child Benefit (child allowance) (CB) was
transferred to the Department of Inland Revenue (Treasury/Tax).
Most recently, the Brown Government
announced in June 2007 the formation of a new Department for
Children, Schools and Families (DfCSF), which will have
responsibility for “leading the Government’s strategy on family
policy – including parenting – and, working with the department for
Works and Pension . . . and HM Treasury, will take forward the
Government’s strategy for ending child poverty” (Prime Minister,
2007). The new Department has assumed pre-19 education policy
responsibilities from DfES, now dissolved, and will work closely
with a newly-created Department for Innovation, Universities and
Skills (DfIUS), and will be responsible with the Department of
Health (DH) for promoting the health of all children and youth
(Prime Minister, 2007). A joint Poverty Unit operating as part of
DfCSF and DfWP was established the same year. Responsibility for
coordinating the government’s social exclusion agenda has been
assigned to a cabinet-level taskforce created the preceding year.
Planning for the next decade is set forth in the document, “The
Children’s Plan: Building Brighter Futures” (DfCSF, 2007). Among the
commitments are the adoption in 2008 of an action plan to tackle
overcrowded housing for children and of national standards
concerning child health and play. The government has also pledged
to increase free ECEC for 2-year-olds in the most disadvantaged
communities, and has set a goal for 2020 of at least 90 percent of
children developing well across all areas of the Early Years
Foundation Stage profile by age 5.
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Demographic and Other Social Trends
The UK is among the large European
countries, with a population of 60 million in 2005, close in size to
France and Italy, but significantly smaller than Germany (OECD,
2007a).
Britain is an aging society, with 16 percent of its population aged
65 and older in 2005, while children under 15 accounted for 18
percent. The British family is following the same pattern as that
of the other advanced industrialized countries: smaller families,
fewer marriages, more divorces, more cohabitation, declining
birthrates, more out-of-wedlock births, later age at first birth,
and more working mothers. The British fertility rate in 2004 was
1.74. Marriage and childbearing are increasingly separate, with the
illegitimacy rate increasing dramatically from 12 percent in 1980 to
about 33 percent in 1996 and about 42 percent in 2005 (OfNS, 2007
(provisional data)).. Two-thirds of all extra-marital births in 2006
were to women under 30 years of age (data for England and Wales).
However, both parents register most of these births. Very young
children are increasingly likely to be living with cohabiting rather
than legally married parents. Although Britain's teen non-marital
birth rate is much lower than that of the U.S., it is the highest in
the EU, by far. Lone parents constitute about 25 percent of families
with children, 90 percent headed by women. Never-married mothers are
the largest and most rapidly growing group constituting, 50 percent
of all lone mothers in 2002 (OfNS, 2004). Ethnic and racial
minorities, although still a relatively small proportion of the
population, are becoming more significant. In 2005, 72 percent of
married or cohabiting mothers were in the labor force, but
approximately 60 percent of these worked part time. Labor force
participation of lone mothers was lower, at 55 percent, but up from
41 percent in 1997. In 2005, the employment rate of women with a
child under age 5 was 56 percent while the rate for mothers with
older children was over 70 percent (OECD, 2007b); 39 percent of
women with dependent children worked part-time (OfNS, 2005).
The British government's strategy
towards single parents is to halve the rate of conceptions among the
under 18 year olds by 2010 and to reduce the risk of long term
social exclusion by getting more teen parents into education,
training, and employment (MISSOC, 2002).
Using the international relative
definition of income poverty, below 60 percent of median income, 27
percent of children are living in poor families. In 1997, the UK
had the highest child poverty rate in the EU (30 percent) but by
2001 the rate had declined by about 25 percent and the UK ranked
11th among the EU 15. The goal is to eliminate child poverty by
2020. Most families have 1.5 earners, the father working full-time
and the mothers part-time.
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Social
Protection
The full flowering of the British
welfare state was left for World War II and the development of the
Beveridge Plan. The Plan proposed an integrated, contributory,
flat-rate and universal social insurance system covering old age,
retirement, disability, unemployment, sickness, and family
allowances in addition to a national health service and full
employment policies. Although the full proposal was never
implemented, a significant part was. It shaped the British welfare
state from that time on and left its mark on present British social
policy.
Britain spent about 20.6 percent of GDP on social protection in
2003, below the EU 15 average (23.9 percent). Of this, 6.9 percent
was spent on family benefits, a little below the EU average (8.0
percent (estimated)). Britain spent about 3.0 percent of GDP on its
family benefits and services that same year (OECD, 2007a). Britain
has by far the highest rate of social assistance use among the
European 15, according to a 2004 comparison (Neubourg, 2007) . A
minimum wage (a new policy for Britain) is set at a level similar to
the US minimum. Of all British social policies, family (child)
benefits have varied the most in British income transfer policies.
The value of child benefits has never been as high as when they were
first established. The economic situation of children deteriorated
especially in the 1980s and 1990s. Family benefits never had the
financial, popular, political support given pensions or the National
Health Service. Only starting with the Blair administration has
there been a significant effort at announcing a child policy agenda,
and even then there has been concern about the declining support
for lone mothers. One out of five children receive Income Support
(social assistance) benefits.
In
short, as LSE economist and social policy scholar Howard Glennerster
(1997) writes, "Distinctively less generous than the Scandinavian or
continental European countries, the UK system of welfare is much
more dependent on the market and income tested benefits but keeps
its highly developed national minimum safety net and national
responsibilities for health and education. It may be called "a hard
core welfare state" (Barnes, et al., 2000).
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Child, Youth and Family Policy Regimes
Maternity, Paternity, Parental, and Family
Leaves
Parental leave and family leave to care
for dependents were established in Britain in 1999, with adoption
and paternity leave, and the right to request to work flexibly,
following four years later. By April 2003, there was an ordinary
paid job protected maternity leave of 26 weeks (beginning in the
11th week before the baby is due, if the woman wishes), and an
additional unpaid maternity leave of 26 weeks. In 2006, the pay
period of statutory maternity and adoption pay was extended to 39
weeks, to take effect for children expected to be born or placed for
adoption or after April 1, 2007. The first 6 weeks of leave are
available at 90 percent of prior pay, and then the remaining 33
weeks at up to a flat rate (£112.75 per week). Paternity leave of
1-2 weeks is granted employees with 26 weeks of prior work, at £100
per week. British maternity pay is worth substantively less than the
EU average. In the case of adoptive parents, one parent is eligible
for the 52-week leave, the first 39 weeks at the flat rate payment,
the remainder unpaid. An adoptive parent not taking adoption leave
may take paid maternity leave. The Government has announced its
intention to seek the extension of the pay period to a full year and
a right for fathers to take as additional leave during the child’s
first year up to 6 months of any unused maternity leave should the
mother return to work that year. This additional leave would be
payable to the extent of the unused portion of maternity pay
(O’Brien and Moss, 2007). In 2002, 68 percent of employers
supplemented the statutory benefit and duration. In 2002, 57 percent
of employers with 10 or more employees provided fully paid maternity
leave and almost the same percentage provided fully paid, or
discretionary, paternity leave. Approximately one-half of mothers in
2005 took 7 months’ leave, and about one-quarter took more than 9
months (O’Brien and Moss, 2007).
Parental leaves were established
December 15, 1999, as a result of an EU directive and supplement to
the maternity leave policy. Either parent having or adopting a baby
and having at least one year's qualifying service with his or her
employer, is entitled to an unpaid, job-protected leave which can
last up to 13 weeks per parent, per child. The leave can be taken at
any time within the first five years of the child's life, with a
maximum of 4 weeks’ leave in any single calendar year. Variations
are provided for reasons such as the poor health of mother or child
and lone parenthood.
Family
Leave: Also in 2003, a new right to "Time Off for Dependents" was
introduced, to permit employees to take unpaid “reasonable” time off
for family emergencies (e.g. an ill child or spouse) and to make
necessary long-term arrangements. A complementary right to request
flexible working time was created for parents responsible for a
child under 6 or for a disabled child under 18. That right was
extended in 2007 to employees who care for an adult (O’Brien and
Moss, 2007). The Government plans to expand the right to apply to
parents of older children.
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Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC)
In Britain (like the U.S.), infant
schools stressing education were established in the early 19th
century, expanded rapidly, and then largely disappeared to be
replaced later by part-day kindergartens. They provided an
"inferior" form of care and education to the children of poor
working women and covered 20 percent of three-year-olds and 40
percent of 4 year olds in 1851 and 43 percent of 2-5 year olds by
1901. They constituted a voluntary but free educational service for
all young children from the age of 2 or 3, if parents chose to avail
themselves of it (Family Policy Studies Centre, 2000a).
In contrast, middle and upper class
children were cared for at-home by "nannies" or their equivalent,
supplemented increasingly, beginning in the last quarter of the 19th
century, by kindergartens organized on the model of the German,
Friedrich Froebel (as occurred in the Nordic countries, the U.S.,
Canada, and several other European countries). The failure to
improve the quality of infant schools for children of the working
class, or to integrate these programs with the new educational
philosophy of the kindergarten, and the inclusion of 5 year olds in
primary schools, contributed to the decline in the popularity of
nursery education in 20th century England. One other result was the
continuity of a pattern of fragmentation between early education as
an enrichment program and day care as a "protective" service. It
took almost another century for there to be significant increase in
coverage and a renewed effort at integrating the two parallel
streams.
The British ECEC system has now been
integrated under education but still suffers from fragmentation as
to program, and diversification regarding philosophy, curriculum,
and program focus. The system has been very inadequate as to supply
and of mixed quality at best. Significant progress, however, has
been made since an OECD review in 2000. There has been an
administrative shift in auspice from social welfare to education and
funding shifts by the central government to the local authorities.
The government is proceeding to merge education and child care. In
2006, the first legislation to deal solely with the early years and
child care was enacted; it granted parents a statutory right to
child care, integrated with early education for younger children,
and out-of-school hours care for older children. By 2010, all 3 and
4-year-olds will receive 20 hours weekly of free education for 38
weeks and, over the long term, an additional 20 hours of free
out-of-school care (OECD, 2006). Administratively, ECEC is lodged
in the Sure Start Unit of the Department for Children, Schools and
Families and works across government and closely with Local
Authorities. Preschool has come to be viewed as a program of
enrichment, preparing all children for school from the age of 2½ or
3, and day care programs, once thought of as serving children in
need: poor, deprived, immigrant, neglected, abused and disabled
children, are now more broadly viewed as supporting working parents
and family life generally. Compulsory school begins at age 5 and
almost all four-year-olds are already in school. There is little
discussion, however, regarding the expansion of programs for
children under 3. The compensatory and integrated early childhood
program ("Sure Start") that some compare with the U.S. Headstart-or
Early Headstart-program is being significantly expanded: every
community is due to have a Sure Start Centre established by 2010.
Although a significant proportion of the 3-year-olds are in
preschool programs now, most are part-day and part-week programs. A
small group or children who are "at risk" or have problems of
various sorts are in social welfare day care. Only a small
proportion of the under 3s are in out-of-home care and they are
largely in playgroups or cared for by childminders (family day care
providers). Approximately 96 percent of 3-year-olds are enrolled in
early education, and of these, half, were placed in the private and
voluntary sector. Ninety-eight percent of 4 year olds are in early
education and ¾ are in public provisions (OECD, 2006). Child care
coverage rates are high also for under 3s with working mothers.
There is also interest in raising math
and English achievement levels for 7 year olds.
The Labor Government has also
established a new child care tax credit, which is described below.
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Family and Child Allowances
Child Benefit (CB) is a universal
(non-income-tested), monthly tax-free cash benefit provided for each
child in a family, including the first. The benefit is available
until a child is age 16 (or 19 if at school or in approved training)
and for up to 4 months for the 16/17 year old youth who have left
school or training and are looking for a job, education, or
training. The benefit is financed out of general revenue, and, since
1992, has been indexed to wages. However, its value, as a percentage
of social benefits or average wages has not been maintained since
first established at the end of World War II. Since 1991 CB has been
paid at a higher rate for the first child, and at the same rate for
all others. The CB package in the early 1990s, provided to a single
mother with two children, was worth about 8 percent of average male
wages and 13.4 percent of average female wages. CB for a two-child,
two-parent family was worth about 6.5 percent of average male
earnings in 1992. It compares well with the other European countries
with regard to small families (those with one or two children) but
poorly with regard to larger families. In two-parent families, the
benefit is paid to the mother, thus becoming (at least in the UK
discussion) a kind of "mothers wage."
Current reforms seek to unify child and
family supports by building upon the universal Child Benefit, tying
additional government benefits to parental employment, and stressing
tax benefits more.
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Child and Family Tax Benefits
The filing unit for income taxes is the
individual, with husbands and wives being taxed independently.
In
April 2003, the Working Families' Tax Credit, Disabled Person's Tax
Credit, Job-Seekers' Allowance, and Children's Tax Credit were
replaced by two new tax credits that are administered, along with
Child Benefit, through the Department of Inland Revenue. The aims of
these new tax credits are to make work pay and reduce child poverty
in workless households. Child Benefit is received by almost all
families with children (97 percent) (Barnes & Willits, 2004). The
new tax credits are called Child Tax Credit (CTC) and Working Tax
Credit (WTC) and provide support to a wider range of people through
a single framework. Child Tax Credit is a means-tested allowance for
families with at least one child. It is paid at a higher rate to
families with at least one child under the age of one (known as the
baby element); and to families whose child has a severe disability.
The credit is paid in weekly direct deposits, or every four weeks.
The Working Tax Credit, paid in monthly direct deposits, is for low
paid persons who are single; a married couple living together; or
cohabitating. The level of the credit varies according to household
status, presence of children, number of hours worked, child care
costs, and if either resident parent is disabled. By 2004, about 90
percent of families with children were expected to be entitled to
the child tax credit. The childcare component of the Working Tax
Credit, the Childcare Tax Credit, offsets up to 80 percent of
childcare costs for couples or lone parents. For more detail, see
Mike Brewer, The New Tax Credits, April 2003
http://www.ifs.org.uk/taxben/bn35.pdf. Increases to the Child
Tax Credit and the threshold for the higher level of Working Tax
Credit will take effect in April 2008.
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Child Support
Child support (child maintenance) is
the payment of financial support for a child by the non-custodial
parent. Britain was late among the major industrialized countries in
enacting policies designed to strengthen child support provisions. A
recent report stresses the importance of child support and of the
debates and proposed reform. . "The original motivation for reform
in both the UK and the US came from the growing number of lone
parents and their increasing reliance on welfare payments…In the UK,
widespread discontent with the way in which earlier reforms in 1993
have worked has renewed pressure for further change" (Barnes et al.,
2000). One of the main concerns was the low proportion of welfare
recipients who were receiving child support (30 percent) and the low
level of support paid by those who paid any.
The 1993 legislation established the
Child Support Agency (CSA), required that those receiving welfare
payments use the Agency for the collection of support, and permitted
others to do so if they wished. The vast majority of the CSA
caseload consists of those claiming benefits. Substantial amendments
to the original legislation were introduced in 1995 and again in
2000, following "a huge public outcry about the effects of the Act,
partly from lone parents and their organizations, but mainly from
non-resident parents affected by the policy" (Family Studies Policy
Center, 2000a). The basic structure for the government's reform
scheme was established in the Child Support, Pensions and Social
Security Act of 2000. Under this Act, non-resident parents whose
income is £200 per week or more, are required to contribute: 15
percent of net income for one child; 20 percent of net income for
two children; 25 percent of net income for three or more children.
Those with income of less than £200 per week pay reduced rates of
maintenance. Non-resident parents with net income of £100 a week or
less, and those on specified benefits (including income-based
Jobseeker's Allowance and Income Support), pay a flat rate of £5
per week. The calculation takes account of all children in a
non-resident parent's current family, including stepchildren. The
net income used to calculate maintenance is reduced by 15 percent
for one child in the current family, 20 percent for two children and
25 percent for three or more children.
At the end of 2006, the Government
issued a White Paper in which it proposed a redesign of the child
support system to correct administrative weaknesses and to
implement policy shifts to better tackle child poverty and promote
parental responsibility DWP, 2006). It has been predicted that,
under the new system, the number of children receiving maintenance
will increase from 1.1 million to 1.75 million (Henshaw, 2006). The
accompanying legislation, which is pending, would replace the CSA
with a non-departmental Child Maintenance and Enforcement
Commission. There would be a move toward voluntary maintenance
arrangements, buttressed by increased government collection and
enforcement methods. Receipt of, or applying for, welfare would no
longer be treated as applying for maintenance. Calculations of
maintenance would be computed on gross income, a more graduated rate
scale would be established, and the lowest rate raised. The
Government plans over time to increase significantly the amount of
maintenance payments parents on welfare may keep before it affects
the level of benefits which they may receive.
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Other Child Conditioned Income
Transfers
Children are entitled to receive
certain standard income transfers, including: dependents' benefits
for the children of old age pensioners; dependent's benefits for the
children of a disabled worker; special benefits for a disabled
child; survivor's benefits for the guardian of a minor child.
Of particular importance, however, is
the Income Support benefit, a cash, means-tested benefit designed to
support low-income individuals (both elderly and young) and families
when earnings are absent or social insurance benefits are low. Its
roots are in British Poor Law and it was first established as a
national public assistance scheme in 1948. It is available
regardless of marital or family status to low-income individuals
aged 18 or older (or 16 if pregnant or if they have a child). It
offers a national, uniform minimum income worth almost half an
average female wage, which makes it especially important for
lone-mother families. The Blair administration focused on
encouraging poor lone mothers with children aged 5 and older to take
jobs rather than claim welfare, but did not require that they do
this. The Brown administration is proposing to require lone parents
who have older children and who are claiming Income Support to
actively seek work. The policy would be phased in over 2 years,
starting in October 2008; it would apply initially to lone parents
with a youngest child aged 12 or older and ultimately to those with
a youngest child aged 7 or older (DfWP, 2007).
Since 1999, Sure Start Maternity Grants
of 500 pounds (about $750 - USD have been available to help with the
extra costs of a new baby for low income persons. The grant is
conditioned on having obtained advice on child and maternal health
and welfare.
As part of the government’s strategy
for strengthening the savings habit of future generations and
spreading the benefits of asset ownership to all, the Child Trust
Fund was created in 2005. The Government makes payments into this
universal, tax-exempt long-term savings and investment account for
children born from September 2002. The payment is 250 pounds, (about
$500 USD), double that amount for families entitled to the full
Child Tax Credit. As of March 2006, a second payment, in the same
amount as the first, is made at age seven. Children may access their
accounts at age eighteen.
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Child and Adolescent Health
Britain emphasizes child health policies in the context of its
overall National Health Services and provides an exemplary home
health visiting service that is targeted on young children and their
families (along with the elderly and the handicapped). Child Health
services in England and Wales are delivered largely through the
National Health Service (NHS), which has responsibility for general
practitioners, community health, and hospital services, and the DWP,
where income transfers for children and their families play a
critical role in supporting child health. NHS services are
universal, available to the whole population regardless of income,
and delivered for the most part to all children below the age of 16
(or 19 if in full time school). Since its inception, the NHS has
improved the quantity and quality of child health services
significantly. Child health care has remained divided between
community care and hospital care, and between prevention and
treatment.
Children gain access to the health care
system when they are born, through automatic notification of their
birth to the local health visitor (HV) who is responsible for the
geographic area where the family lives. HVs are registered nurses
with additional public health training and are the key individuals
in health care for very young children, providing health education
and preventive care, visiting new mothers and babies at home usually
within 10 days of the birth, and then at frequent intervals during
their early years. It has recently begun to target its longer term
services on higher risk family situations. In addition, responding
to cultural diversity is becoming more important as well as working
with ethnically, racially, and religiously diverse families with
very young children.
Health visiting has been and continues to be at the heart of the
British child health service.
The Government plans to expand
and strengthen health visitors’ services to families and children.
The goal is that they play a key role in preventing social
exclusion; reducing inequality; responding to public health concerns
such as obesity and substance abuse; promoting infant, child, and
family mental health; and supporting the capacity for better
parenting. With respect to the last, the government wishes to
concentrate greater efforts in engaging and supporting fathers (DH,
2007). In a related move, the government has initiated 10 pilot
Nurse Family Partnership projects, based on the US program, which
will provide intensive home visiting to disadvantaged mothers from
pregnancy through the first two years of the child’s life. The
government has stated that its child health promotion program must
evolve from being perceived as a “minimum universal core” to
“progressive universalism,” where those with higher levels of need
receive more intensive support (DH, 2007).
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School-Aged Children: Policies and Programs
Despite the emphasis on mother's
employment, after-school child care in Britain remains a fragmented
and under-developed program. The government made major strides in
recent years - the number of out-of-school clubs increased to 4,900
in 2001, an 11 percent increase from 2000 alone. This increase
reflects the government's pledge in 2000 to create an additional
600,000 childcare places as part of a campaign to encourage more
lone parents back to work. The extra places are due to come on
stream by 2004 and are supported with increased funding for
out-of-school clubs and child minders. As part of its 10-year
strategy for childcare, the government has additionally pledged
that, by 2010, all families will have access to year round
affordable school-based childcare for children aged 5-11. For
children aged 11-14, when schools are in session, all secondary
schools will be open on weekdays year round from 8 am to 6 pm (HMT,
DfES, and DfWP, 2004).
There has also been a similar increase in the number of holiday
schemes for children, which provide care for school-aged children
during school holidays. In 2001 there were 12,900 holiday programs,
a 10 percent increase from the previous year. The government’s
10-year strategy includes weekday childcare during the school
holidays.
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Youth
Young people over 16 may qualify for
certain benefits or tax credits if they are on a low income, looking
for work, disabled, or caring for a child or older person.. If
single and under 25, they may claim housing benefits, and there are
varying lower thresholds for free health care and income support.
These policies are viewed by some as creating a work disincentive
and an incentive to teens to get pregnant.
There is strong interest in reducing
teen pregnancy and the government has announced a goal of halving
the rate by 2010.
There is interest in reducing school
exclusion and high drop-out rates among 16-18 year olds from
low-income families, who are not in education, employment, or
training, and in improving participation and achievement in
learning. Two new initiatives (ConneXions and Educational
Maintenance Allowances) have been established to achieve this by
providing financial assistance and other services to these youths.
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Reconciliation of Work and Family
Life
One major part of the British
Employment Relations Act, implemented in October 1999, is a policy
package designed to encourage family-friendly employment policies.
This package includes regulations designed to eliminate
discrimination against part-time employees, make part-time workers
eligible for a pro-rated portion of all social, non-wage benefits,
and to encourage flexible working time arrangements. There is also
an effort to expand eligibility for maternity and parental leaves
and to establish a right of employees to reasonable time off for
family emergencies.
A report issued by the Treasury
Department provides some relevant information: Balancing Work and
Family Life: Enhancing Choice and Support for Parents (HM
Treasury, Department of Trade and Industry, January 2003):
INTRODUCTION:
1.1 The government is committed to helping parents to balance their
work and family responsibilities. The measures the government is
introducing from April this year represent a steep change in both
choice and support for parents, and will benefit employers,
employees and their
children. Key measures include:
-
reform of the ways in which the tax and benefit system supports
families with children and those on low incomes. The reform,
which involves the creation of two new tax credits – the Child
Tax Credit and the Working Tax Credit – will continue the
government’s efforts to tackle child poverty and make work pay.
-
more choice and support for parents to help them balance work
and caring for their children. This includes increasing the
level of maternity pay from £75 to £100 a week and the duration
of maternity pay from 18 to 26 weeks; increasing Ordinary
Maternity Leave to 26 weeks and setting unpaid Additional
Maternity Leave at 26 weeks (up to 1 year in total); the
introduction of 2 weeks paid paternity leave and 26 weeks paid
adoption leave (both paid at the same flat rate as maternity
pay); and the launch of a new right for parents of young and
disabled children to request a flexible working pattern and a
duty on employers to consider their applications seriously.
1.2 Alongside these changes, the 2002
Spending Review included a more than doubling of resources for
childcare, as part of a combined budget for Sure Start, childcare
and early years that will rise to £1.5 billion by 2005-2006. This
will fund the development of Children’s Centres – bringing together
good quality childcare, early years education, family support and
health services – and will support the creation of 250,000 new
childcare places. This will mean that, between 1997 and 2006,
childcare places will have been created to help around 2 million
children, 1.25 million after taking into account turnover.
1.3 In addition, the government’s
Work-Life Balance Campaign actively encourages business to adopt
best practice and offer work-life balance opportunities across the
workforce.
1.4 This document sets out the
government’s strategy. It builds on the 2000 ‘Work and Parents,
Competitiveness and Choice’ Green Paper and the 2002 Work and
Parents Taskforce recommendations on flexible working. The document
also highlights the possible next steps being considered by the
Government, on which it would be interested to hear views.
SUMMARY:
1.5 Chapter 2 describes the social,
economic and business factors that mean flexible working is now a
key issue – for parents and their children, for business and for the
economy. The key drivers for change are:
-
a
transformation in the way families organize their work, with a
strong trend among couples away from single-earner towards
dual-earner families and sustained growth in lone parent
employment;
-
a
dramatic increase in the proportion of employees with caring
responsibilities; and
-
the combination of a competitive business environment and the
current labor market context, bringing new challenges for
employers and employees.
1.6 Chapter 3 summarizes the benefits
of helping parents to balance work and family life for families,
business and the economy. Enabling parents to better fulfill their
family responsibilities, when most need to combine these with work,
is central to improving the conditions in which children grow up,
achieving greater equality between women and men, and increasing
productivity in the workplace. It is therefore key to a number of
the Government’s policy objectives, including its commitment to
halve child poverty by 2010 and eliminate it within a generation.
1.7 Chapter 4 outlines the Government’s
strategy for enabling mothers and fathers to meet their
responsibilities as parents:
-
supporting parents’ choices;
-
tailoring financial support to families’ circumstances;
-
enhancing access to good quality childcare and parenting
services; and
-
working in partnership with business to promote the benefits of
flexible working and support the take up of best practice
approaches.
1.8 The chapter also sets out possible
next steps in the Government’s strategy on which it would be
interested in hearing views.
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Housing Benefits
Housing Benefit (HB) is a means-tested,
non-taxable benefit (both income and asset-tested), which provides
help with paying the rent for private or public housing for people
with low incomes. Council Tax Benefit (CB)
is a means-tested benefit which provides help towards the
tax raised by local government. Council Tax can also be
reduced through the Second Adult Rebate,
which applies to low-income persons over 18, other than partners,
who are sharing the home. For those receiving social assistance
(Income Support, or welfare) HB may be the full amount of eligible
rent and CB the full amount of the tax. Local Housing Allowance (LHA),
a new scheme for deciding rent payments for people receiving HB ,
was introduced in April 2007 and is being tested in 18 local
councils. The scheme applies only to rentals from private landlords
and provides for published, flat-rate allowances paid according to
household size, rather than to the rent actually paid. Among other
objectives, the allowance should enable families to move to larger
accommodations, as noted in Tackling overcrowding in England:
An action plan (DfCFG, 2007).
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References
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Contacts
Washington Embassy
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The British Embassy
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3100 Massachusetts Ave., NW
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Washington, DC 20008-3600
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Phone: (202) 588-6500
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Fax: (202) 588-7870
Ministry
-
WWEG
-
Department for Work and Pensions
-
The Adelphi 1-11 John Adams St.
-
London WC2N 6HT
-
UK
Department of Public Policy and Social
Work, University of Oxford
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