|
(Last updated May 2004)
|
Introduction and Overview
In making the case for recognizing a unique type of welfare state
in Southern Europe, covering Spain, Greece, Italy, and Portugal,
Lewis points to the type of family solidarity characterizing the
region. In contrast to Northern Europe,
"Different generations of Southern European families are more
likely to be co-resident and are in a very real way dependent on
each other. The family is likely to be a means of integrating different
kinds of income from various family members, many of whom may engage
in casual labor in the underground economy...Families thus play
a more critical role in both care and material provision and may
act as a buffer between the individual and social exclusion"
(Lewis, 1997, p. 309).
Given such a role for the family, why-Lewis asks-so little by way
of explicit family policy in Southern Europe? Here, timelines are
important. She cites Claude Martin's observation that the modern
development of European social welfare systems has taken place during
a long economic recession-which occurred just when the family was
"engaging in a process of change linked to transformations
of the labor market" (Lewis, 1997, p. 309; Martin, 1997). All
of this would seem to apply to Portugal.
The European Family Observatory's Portuguese expert, Karin Wall,
offers a similar assessment: after 15-20 years of gradual economic
improvement, poverty and poor living conditions remained the great
challenge to Portuguese family policy. The socialist government
that took over in late 1995 (and was reelected in 1999) opened many
taboo subjects for examination and discussion and acted on a number
of fronts, but only limited measures were possible. The family still
"is expected to compensate for weakness of social policies"
(Wall, 2000, p.36). However, in 1999 the National Council for the
Family, created by the government, issued a broad statement of public
concerns in regard to families and aims to be addressed by national
policies.
All observers report increased attention to family measures, plans
and some upgrading, but economic progress is modest and therefore
a major constraint. Demographic change is considerable, other pressures
are also great. "Family policy has
remained rather in
the shadow of social policy" and social provision-especially
for vulnerable families "has been sketchy and poor" (Wall,
1998, p. 213, 215). Family policy remains implicit (Wall, 2003).
Portugal is a quite homogenous country, overwhelmingly Catholic,
and Portuguese-speaking.
Return to Top
|
Highlights
Click here to view or print country
highlights in pdf format.
|
Government Agencies
Full understanding of some Portuguese government structural and
social security/medical care rigidities requires more complete review
than is here undertaken of the 1926 military dictatorship and the
Salazar regime which followed (1932) and remained in control until
1968, the political constraints of the 1960s, and economic constraints
of the 70s, the stable conservative government and its stress on
stability from late 1985 to late 1995, and the need to meet requirements
to enter the European Union (Guibentif, 1997). The family policy
of today still reveals some elements of the organization of social
protection by the Salazar regime and continuities in the 1976 Constitution
and 1977 Civil Code. A state department for the family accountable
to the Ministry of Social Affairs was created in 1980, went through
several organizational evolutions, and had the lead in formulating
and moving family policy (Amaro, 1994).
In 1995, in a ministry restructuring, after the Socialist victory,
Portugal created a Ministry of Solidarity and Social Security (now
Labour and Solidarity). A Directorate-General for the family is
within this ministry. A related decree created a High Commissioner
for the Promotion of Equality and the Family, who works in cooperation
with High Commissioners concerned with immigration and ethnic minorities.
With this structure in place, the government announced a comprehensive,
ambitious but very general family policy-which has thus far led
to modest steps. In May 2002, a center-right/right-wing coalition
took office and various reforms were introduced for discussion.
The family policy programs now reside on the national level with
the Ministry of Labour and Solidarity. A State Secretariat for Solidarity
and Social Security carries responsibility for most cash benefits
and shares some responsibility for resource sufficiency with a State
Secretariat for Employment and Training. There are various national
bodies for technical coordination and regional centers for social
security and employment. A Ministry of Health is responsible for
health care through regional and sub-regional health authorities
and a Ministry of Education carries responsibility for nursery schools,
which operate under diverse public and private auspices. There is
a Secretary of State for Youth Affairs.
Much of the implementation for ECEC depends on municipality initiatives.
Return to Top
|
Demographic and Other Social Trends
Less urbanized and still less economically modernized than most
of Europe, Portugal has a population of about 10 million, about
17.5 percent under age 15 (about the European Union (EU) average),
a number less urbanized and still less economically modernized than
most of Europe, and almost 15 percent over 65 (a bit below the EU
average).
Karin Wall of the EU Family Observatory Reported as follows in
2003:
Recent data from the 2001 Population Census confirm long-term
changes in the family that have taken place since 1960. The marriage
rate has declined (to 5.7 in 2001) and is now similar to the average
value for the EU countries (5.1). Cohabitation has increased,
but the percentage of cohabiting couples is still much lower in
Portugal than in Northern European countries. Finally, the divorce
rate has increased sharply since the 1970s (to 1.8, the same as
the average value for the EU countries).
The fertility rate has declined steadily, as in other European
countries (1.5 in 2001); and births outside marriage have increased,
especially during the 1990s (to 24%, an increase due to the rise
in cohabitation as well as the increase in single mothers).
With regard to the labour market, indicators show a steady increase
in the female activity rate (from 18% in 1960 to 65% in 2001).
Most women work full-time, and the activity rate is very high
for women in the 25-34 and 35-44 age groups (83% and 80%, respectively).
Concerning household structure, it is important to emphasise
that the average size of the family is now 2.8 (very close to
the average value of 2.4 for the EU countries) and that there
have been important changes in types of families. Single-person
households have increased (to 17%) but still represent a much
lower proportion of the total number of households than is the
case in Northern European countries. Couples with children still
have high values (even if couples without children and lone parents
have increased), and complex families are on the decrease but
still represent a high proportion of households (10% in 2001).
In summary, we can say that, concerning certain indicators such
as family formation, fertility, divorce and the female activity
rate, there has been a strong movement towards convergence with
other EU countries. However, with regard to family and household
structure, Portugal is still more 'familialistic': it has less
people living alone and quite a high proportion of complex family
households. In my opinion, this is linked to two main factors:
difficult access to independent housing, especially for young
couples; and a more familialistic, less individualistic culture
that considers 'living alone' as a situation of deprivation rather
than as a positive symbol of individual autonomy.
Portuguese illiteracy rates have been historically high, but compulsory
schooling (having recently gone from 6 to 9 years) now extends to
age 14, and over 90 percent of the 6-15 group are enrolled. There
is concern about high drop-out rates (100,000 per year), variously
attributed to illegal child labor, inadequate school facilities,
parental illiteracy and inability to "sustain" school going. Many
countries, but not all, enroll more of the 15-19s in further education.
Return to Top
|
Social Protection
Over recent decades there has been considerable secular departure
from the strong Catholicism of Portuguese family policy. Women,
long limited in status have been subject of efforts to define them
as co-responsible with their husbands in the running of the family
and legally protected against any discrimination, including in employment.
Family planning has been incorporated in the health services since
the mid-1970s but there are strict limits on abortion (Amaro, 1994,
pp. 260, 261).
Portugal has most of the institutions and programs of social protection,
all constrained by economic realities and historical patterns, some
of which have yielded slowly. Its economy is among the smallest
in the OECD and its per capita GDP the lowest in the European Union,
but it has halved the gap in living standards in 15 years. Government's
share of revenue and government expenditures as a percentage of
GDP have been below OECD averages since the 1960s and are not very
different than the U.S. and U.K., if well below the more prosperous
West and North Europe nations. Total social protection expenditures
rose from 15.2 to 22.9 percent of GDP between 1990 and 1999, compared
to an EU average of 27.6. By 1999, Portuguese family expenditures
were 5.2 percent of all of its social expenditures, compared with
8.5 percent average for E.U. countries; its maternity expenditures
at .9 percent of GDP were average for the E.U. More recently, family
expenditures claimed a 5.6 percent share. While below the E.U. in
rate of health expenditure as a portion of GDP from the mid-70s,
Portugal was making an above-average effort by the early 90s.
Portugal is not included in the LIS poverty database, the source
of most international comparisons in the industrial world, but it
reports family poverty as a source of considerable concern. Analysis
from a European household survey for the early 1990s showed the
lowest per capita GDP in the EU, except for Greece, a population
poverty rate of 46.9 percent and a child poverty rate of 49.7 percent.
A later country report speaks of a 24 percent child poverty rate,
as contrasted with an OECD average of 11.9 percent in 2002 (Immervoll,
et. al, 2000, Table 1). In mid-1996, Portugal enacted a minimum
income scheme, part of the earlier socialist platform, and the program
is clearly influenced by the French RMI. It requires participation
by recipients in "social integration" activities and action
to avoid school absenteeism by children in the family. In the early
months the caseload covered 2606 households, of which 45 percent
were couples with children and 22 percent were lone parents.
Return to Top
|
Child, Youth and Family Policy Regimes
Maternity, Paternity, Parental, and Family
Leaves
Portugal's first maternity benefit legislation goes back to 1984.
The program was improved substantially in 1995. There is a 120-day
leave and cash maternity benefit, of which six weeks must follow
confinement. Thirty days are added per child after the first. The
eligible are women insured under social security. The benefit replaces
100% of the mother's wage and is not taxable. Except for 14 days,
it may be taken as a paternity benefit by agreement or in instances
of the incapacity of the mother. In any case, fathers have a 5-day
paternity leave and two weeks after the maternity leave, which are
compensated. There is no paid parental leave but, after maternity
leave, there is an unpaid leave (1 child, 6 mos; 2 children, 2 years;
3 children, 3 years). It must be taken full-time.
Parents may use up to 30 days per child under 10, per calendar
year, to care for an ill of disabled child at home (or 15 days for
a child over 10). The cash benefit is equal to the level of the
sickness benefit. (There are special extended leaves for care of
disabled or chronically ill children.)
If both parents work, one parent may take leave for up to three
months in the case of adoption, with social security (rather than
medical) income replacement.
New (1999) enactments allow extended leaves for high-risk pregnancies
and also permit leave for wage-earning grandparents under special
circumstances (to care for a child of a teenager under age 16.
Return to Top
|
Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC)
In her 1999 report, the Portuguese representative stated the following:
"
child care facilities are lacking in Portugal. There
are hardly any nurseries for children below age three, because the
state considers childcare a purely educational task. For this reason,
the current offer only comprises pre-school day nurseries for children
above three. Many care facilities are open only five hours per day
and close during lunch. Only 50 percent of children in the age group
from three to six are in formal day care arrangements" (Wall,
2000, p. 38).
The pattern of low under-3 coverage (12 percent) and relatively
low coverage for the 3-6s has been typical of countries with strong
cash support for at-home mothers and a transition for older children.
It would appear to be lagging behind Portugal's current labor force
patterns, which are transitional but not typically part-time. A
recent report indicates coverage for 75 percent of the 3-6 age group
by 2002 and a commitment to further expansion for both the under-3s
and the 3-6s. After-school care is provided for 11 percent of the
6-10 age group. The private sector (2/3 of it non-profit) delivers
more than half the care.
Acknowledgement of major coverage gaps, understanding of the urgency
of ECEC expansion- especially for the under-3's- a review of a formal
policy framework, and affirmation of the belief that there is "serious"
commitment to progress are all reflected in Portugal's background
report (as submitted by the Department of Basic Education, Ministry
of Education in late 1999) for the OECD 12 country thematic review
of ECEC.
Portugal was part of a 2000 OECD review of ECEC in twelve countries.
Consult the full Portuguese report on line at: http://www1.oecd.org/e1s/pdfs/EDSECECDOCA005.pdf.
Return to Top
|
Family and Child Allowances
The main family benefit is a Child and Young People's Family Benefit
program. Coverage extends to age 24 for those still in education
and for disabled youths who also receive a supplement. The allowances
are income-tested, highest for the lowest income group (up to 1.5
times the minimum wage) and lower for each of three successive income
groups. Within each group, allowances vary by the child's age and
the number of children. Eligibility is for the children of employed
parents with social security coverage.
The Portuguese allowance is neither taxed nor indexed. In a 1993
study, with comparisons made in purchasing power parities, Portuguese
family allowances were the lowest in the EU, not surprising given
its relative economic status. (Spain had no allowances and most
families in Greece had no coverage) (Bradshaw, et al, 1993).
|
Child and Family Tax Benefits
There is a system of dependant allowances in the income tax system.
School fees are tax deductible. There is a tax free allowance (deduction)
for lone parents.
Children are considered dependant if below age 18 and without their
own income; there is no age limit for the handicapped.
Return to Top
|
Other Child Conditioned Income
Transfers
A widow's, or widower's, pension as a survivor of a social security
beneficiary is limited to 5 years unless she/he is over 35 years
of age or caring for a child. Half-orphans are awarded, respectively,
20,30, or 40 percent of the insured's pension, depending on the
number of children. The amount is doubled for full orphans. (There
are extra monthly payments at Christmas and in July). There are
similar benefits for child survivors of disability beneficiaries.
Means-tested survivor benefits at a lower level are also paid ("social
pension for orphans") for those without social security eligibility.
There is also means-tested unemployment assistance, time-limited,
which considers family size in awarding grants. A guaranteed minimum
income scheme, accompanied-as in France-by a "social integration"
program, was enacted in 1996. Some 38 percent of recipients are
couples with children (Wall, 2003). If the non-custodial parent
does not pay child maintenance and the custodial parent's income
is below the national minimum wage, the government pays a child
maintenance (child support) grant.
Return to Top
|
Child and Adolescent Health
Portugal has had a universal health care system since a reform
in the late 1970s. Cash sickness benefits are available only to
those covered by the social insurance system. As noted above, a
regional medical administration working through subregional units,
all united under health ministry supervision, administers the medical
program. However, occupational insurance schemes and other coverage
for upper-income people may exclude up to one-quarter of the population
from the public system. People who can afford to do so by direct
payment-or are in families covered both by the public and a private
scheme-choose particular services as per their preferences: public
services, private doctors, for-profit and non-profit facilities.
While doctors may be seen in public facilities or their own offices,
many children and youth (with sub-regional variations) also are
served in health centers, schools, and clinics (Wall, 1998; Pinto,
1997). Serious coverage gaps are acknowledged (Ministry of Education,
1999).
There are known inequities in staffing and facilities between the
poorer North (and the Azores and Madeira) and the remainder of the
country. The poorer child health indicators in such areas do not
distinguish between living conditions and health care as cause.
Various special projects and initiatives seek to address-in the
foreign, or rural, or very poor urban populations-the standard poor
health indicators, accidents, road accidents, malnutrition-and increases
in children and youth of smoking, drinking, sexual activity-but
rates are not high by general European patterns. A Mediterranean
diet reinforces health measures.
Despite great progress, Portugal still lags behind most EU countries
for life expectancies. (Its male and female smoker rates, however,
are the lowest in the EU). The country has made great progress since
1980 in its infant mortality rates but still (2000) has -with Greece
and UK- the highest EU rates, while already doing better than the
U.S. Dental health results are average for Europe and child immunization
coverage is high (Eurostat, 2001; WHO, 1997).
Return to Top
|
School-Aged Children: Policies and Programs
Compulsory education begins at age 6. As noted earlier, length
of compulsory schooling has been increased, efforts are being made
to combat child labor and cut school dropouts. Participation in
secondary and post-secondary education is increasing, but many tasks
face newly developed and expanded systems, inadequately prepared
staffs, and serious resource constraints.
Return to Top
|
Youth
In a pattern like that described in our Spain country profile, the
family-ism, of Europe's southern tier- the continuing influence and
support for the extended family norms and modes means that young people
remain at home until economically self-sufficient, cohabitate less,
and have fewer out-of-wedlock children. Indeed, just behind Spain's
lead, the age at which youth leave the family home is still increasing
in Portugal (Eurostat, 2001). This and female labor force patterns
is considered an important factor in Portugal's low fertility rate.
Some Portuguese male youth indicators are of concern: very high
death rates (for the E.U.) in the 15-24 age group, exceptionally
high rates of death from motor vehicle accidents among the 5-14s,
high rates of traffic deaths for 5-14 and 15-24 year old males.
There is concern about alcohol, smoking, sexual initiation-but the
rates are not out of bounds for Europe. The major responses relate
to education and work-as summarized earlier. Teen fertility is low
for Europe and is exceeded only in the U.K. Only about half of these
births are to unmarried mothers. A series of efforts have been inaugurated
in recent years to increase youth "participation" in planning
and program management and to create channels for protecting youth
rights. Click here to view in PDF format a table on the ages at
which children and youth are legally entitled to carry out a series
of acts in EU countries.
Portugal was one of the fourteen countries participating in the
OECD thematic review, From Initial
Education to Working Life - Making Transitions Work . For more
detail on the transition to working life in Portugal, see OECD's
background
report on Portugal.
Click here to view in pdf format a table on the Ages
at which children are legally entitled to carry out a series of
acts in the European Union. See Youth
Policies section for definitions of terms used.
|
Reconciliation of Work and Family
Life
ECCE, leaves, and related supports are specified above and remains
on the agenda. The need for adequate care for the 0-3, 3-6 groups
remain extensive and advocates also call attention to the lack of
income replacement in connection with parental leaves. In a sign
of intent, the constitutional revisions of 1997 specify the right
of all workers to reconciliations of vocational activity and family
life (Article 59). Much is yet to be done. The government has adopted
the goal of doubling child care facilities for the under-3s by 2003.
There also are goals for coverage for pre-school ages 3,4, and 5
(Wall, 2003).
|
Housing Benefits
A 1993 program is concentrated on the elimination of shantytowns in
metropolitan areas (many occupied by families with children), allowing
local subsidies for shantytown families to buy houses or to repair
and return to houses in their home villages. Only a small segment
of the shantytown and sub-standard housing problems are addressed
by current programs. There are no housing allowances for families.
Return to Top
|
References
Amaro, F. (1994). Portugal: Improvement of the quality of family
life. In W. Dumon, (Ed.), Changing family policies in the member
states of the European Union. (pp. 255-270). Brussels: Commission
of the European Communities.
Bradshaw, J., Ditch, J., Holmes, H., & Whiteford, P. (1993).
Support for children: A comparison of arrangements in fifteen
countries. Research report no. 21. London: Department of Social
Security.
Eurostat. (2001). The social situation in the European Union,
2001. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European
Communities.
Guibentif, P. (1997). Changes in the Portuguese social security
system. In MIRE, Comparing Social Welfare Systems in Southern
Europe. (pp. 47-66). Paris: Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs.
Immervoll, H., Sutherland, H., De Vos, K. (2000). Reducing child
poverty in the European Union: The role of child benefits. In
K. Vleminckx & T. Sneeding (Eds.), Child well-being, child poverty,
and child policy in modern nations. Bristol, England: Policy Press.
Lewis, J. (1997). Introduction. In MIRE, Comparing Social Welfare
Systems in Southern Europe. (pp. 305-313). Paris: Ministry of
Labor and Social Affairs.
Martin, C. (1997). Social welfare and the family in Southern Europe.
In MIRE, Comparing Social Welfare Systems in Southern Europe.
(pp. 315-335). Paris: Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs.
Ministry of Education. (1999). Early childhood education and
care in Portugal. Lisbon, Author.
OECD. (2000). From initial education to working life-Making
transitions work. Paris: OECD.
OECD. (2000). Thematic review of the transition from initial
education to working life: Portugal background report. Paris:
OECD.
Office of the Secretary of State for Youth Affairs. (1998). National
Report, Portugal, to the World Conference of Ministers Responsible
for Youth, in cooperation with the United Nations. Lisbon: Author.
Pinto, C. G. (1997). Health care systems, equity, and social welfare.
In MIRE, Comparing Social Welfare Systems in Southern Europe.
(pp. 141-154). Paris: Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs.
Wall, K. (2003). The situation of families in Portugal-2001.
European Observatory on the Social Situation, Demography, and Family.
Retrieved April 2003, from the World Wide Web at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/index_en.html.
Wall, K. (2000). Portugal. Family observer. Luxembourg:
Office for the Official Publications of the European Communities.
Wall, K. (1998). Portugal. In J. Ditch, H. Barnes, & J. Bradshaw
(Eds.), Developments in national family policies in 1996.
(pp. 213-249). Brussels: Commission of the European Communities,
D.G.V.
Wall, K. (1996). Portugal. In J. Ditch, H. Barnes, & J. Bradshaw
(Eds.), Developments in national family policies in 1995.
(pp. 133-142). Brussels: Commission of the European Communities.
WHO. (1997). Highlights on health in Portugal. Copenhagen:
WHO Regional Office for Europe.
|
Contacts
Washington Embassy
- Embassy of Portugal
- 2125 Kalorama Rd., NW
- Washington, DC 20008
- Phone: (202) 328-8610
- Fax: (202) 462-3726
Ministry
- Mme. Pita P. Machado
- Directorate General for Social Action
- Av. de Republica 67 1069-033 Lisbonne
- Phone: 351 21 792 01 00
- Fax: 351 21 793 47 39
European Union Family Observatory National Representative
- Karin Elisabeth Wall
- Instituto de Ciencias Socialis
- Universidade de Lisboa
- Av. Das Forcas Armadas
- P-1600 Lisbon
|
|
|
|
|
|