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(last updated January 2001)
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Introduction and Overview
Italy has no explicit family policy, nor a social policy focus
on the family as a unit. It has no coherent social policy toward
family members, either. Instead, Italian social policy is directed
toward certain categories of families and family members, in particular,
children, pregnant women, poor families, families with a handicapped
child. In some ways, Italy's social policy is more child than family-oriented,
but there is no coherence here either. Of particular interest, there
is some indication that there is growing interest now in families
and family policy but no significant new policies have emerged as
yet.
Italy's limited and fragmented welfare state is the result of a
strong Catholic tradition coupled with a weak national government
, on the one hand, and strong regional governments coupled with
an industrialized and affluent north on the other. The more generous
family policies of the north are also the result of overall geographic
and social changes, in particular, lower birthrates and much higher
female labor force participation rates.
What national family policies do exist stress cash benefits for
maternity and parenting but not for broader social support, and
stress health and education but not personal social services; and
they stress early childhood education and care, especially for the
3-6 year olds.
In 1996 the government announced a Plan of Action for Children
and Adolescents drawn up by the Ministry of Solidarity with the
following guidelines:
- To develop adequate knowledge of the condition of children
and adolescents.
- To reduce the gap between the North and the South with the aim
of reducing child poverty, which is largely in the South.
- To promote greater attention to children as outlined in the
UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
- To increase the participation of children and adolescents in
social life.
- To oppose the exploitation of children.
- To promote the development of services for children.
- To prevent child poverty.
Since 1996 the Department of Social Affairs of the President of
the Council of Ministers has published a Report on the Condition
of Children in Italy, which is supposed to be issued annually. The
Report sets out Italy's commitment to implement the UN Convention
on the Rights of the Child, the condition of children in Italy with
particular attention to the gap between the North and the South
and to children's problems, actions taken by governments at all
levels, and strategies to protect and promote children's rights.
Italy's family benefits and services (excluding its universal pre-school
program, scuola materna), constituted 53% of GDP in 1995.
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Highlights
Click here to view or print country
highlights in pdf format.
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Government Agencies
Italy has no ministry for family affairs . However, since 1995,
at the national level, there is a clear locus for child and family-related
matters and a strong effort at reducing the fragmentation that existed
earlier. Policies for children and youth are now the responsibility
of the Department of Social Affairs of the President of the Council
of Ministers. At the head of the Department is the Minister without
portfolio for Social Solidarity with responsibility for coordination
of child policies and programs and promotion and protection of children.
Within the Department, a National Observatory on Children's Problems
has been established with the task of analyzing the situation of
children, monitoring the implementation of laws concerning children
or which have an impact on children. The Observatory is made up
of representatives of the Ministries, the regions, Local Administrations
and voluntary organizations(1). A special Committee
on Children's Problems was established at the Senate in 1996. The
Ministry of Education has responsibility for preschool,(see below)
and the Ministry of Health for child care services. Other relevant
ministries include: Labor and Social Welfare, Health and Interior.
Despite the efforts at developing a more coherent approach to child
policy, however, there is the problem of vertical fragmentation
that results from Italy's four-tier government: national, regional,
provincial, and commune or municipal. The national government is
relatively weak and most of the responsibility for child and family
policies is either regional or municipal. At the national level,
cash benefits -- family allowances and maternity and parenting benefits
-- are the most significant. Tax benefits (exemptions for spouse
and dependent children) are modest and of marginal importance. Social
assistance is modest, discretionary, and provided by local, not
national government. Among the services (benefits-in-kind) education,
including preschool, is most important and the responsibility of
the national government. However, maternal and child health services,
infant and toddler care , child welfare, and related social services
are largely the responsibility of regional and local government.
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Demographic and Other Social Trends
Italy has a population of 57 million (1998), less than it had in
the early 1990s, and a little less than Britain and France. It has
a rapidly aging population, placing it among the oldest of the OECD
countries (16.2 % aged 65 and older), and with the smallest group
of children (15.2 percent of its population, like Japan)(2).
Ninety percent of Italy's children under age 18 live with both parents,
while only 8 percent live with a lone parent. (and 90 percent of
these live with their mother) -- but this group is growing.. Families
are clearly changing, although not to the same extent as in northern
Europe. The numbers of families have increased but the size has
decreased. One-person households have increased significantly, largely
elderly widows, while large families with three of more children
declined by more than 50 percent between 1961 and 1991. Childless
couples now constitute 20 percent of households, and along with
one-child families are the dominant group of families. Divorce and
separation are rising albeit slowly and marriage rates are falling.
According to Zanatta, only about 3 percent of the child population
live in institutions and that number has declined dramatically over
the last 30 years. Foster family care is still unusual, however(3).
At 1.2, Italy's fertility rate is among the lowest in the world,
and in northern Italy it is even lower. It has a low rate of female
labor force participation, especially among women with children
. (In 1994, only 44 percent of women with children were in the labor
force.) And it has a high unemployment rate (12 percent nationally
in the mid 1990s but 35 percent in the South). Unusual in the rest
of the EU, children continue to live with their parents even when
they have completed their education and are self supporting, often
until the age of 30. One-third of the 25-34 year olds still live
with their parents, especially boys -- and not only because of high
unemployment rates or high housing costs.
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Social Protection
Essentially, as one family sociologist notes, "Italian social and
family policies have been of a "residual" nature…the family in Italy
is still the institution to which the primary responsibility for
meeting citizens' needs is entrusted"(4). Italy
is the epitome of categorical, decentralized, and targeted social
policies. As a result, social policies are inconsistent across the
country and firm national data are often unavailable. Moreover,
economic disparities between north and south further exacerbate
the problem of standard of living inequities nationwide. Philosophically,
the church/state tension continues to surface in various child and
family policy debates. And despite an explicit preference for a
targeted policy strategy with a priority on the poor, Italian health
and preschool education continues to stress the benefits of universalism,
although current resource constraints may affect some universal
services, especially health services.
Italy spends about 25 percent of GDP on social protection (excluding
education), slightly below the EU average of 29 percent(1996), but
the proportion of social expenditures spent on families and children,
at .4 percent, is half the EU average (1996). Family benefits were
an important part of Italy's social expenditures in the 1950s, constituting
about the same share of social expenditures as pensions, about 40
percent. From then on, however, family benefits declined dramatically
as a portion of social expenditures while pensions doubled.
According to one Family Observatory expert, among the major problems
facing Italy today, apart from the pressures of globalization and
the European Monetary Unit (EMU), are the lack of infrastructures,
the need for institutional reforms, the issue of federalism, the
discrepancy between the north and the south of the country, the
major problems of poverty, housing, education, social exclusion,
the integration of immigrants, and a pattern of income distribution
that is among the most unequal in the OECD countries. There is tension
over whether to allocate more resources to job development or to
the expansion of social protection(5).
Children under 18 are one of the population groups with the highest
rates of poverty and there is evidence that this risk is tending
to increase. The risk of poverty is greater for children living
with a single parent, especially if that parent is the mother; and
it is almost double that rate for children living in the South.
One study found that the poverty rate for lone mother families was
about 35 percent in central and northern Italy, but 65 percent in
the South. In a 23-country study, Child Poverty in Rich Countries,
Italy ranks 21st with the highest child poverty rates in the group,
higher than the UK but with lower rates than the US and Mexico.
Italy has recently established a means-tested guaranteed minimum
income for those individuals with no earnings and no other sources
of income. The regional authorities are responsible for delivering
this benefit.
For more information on the social security systems, labour market
regulations, collective bargaining, social and family policies,
see the International Reform
Monitor.
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Child, Youth and Family Policy Regimes
Maternity, Paternity, Parental, and Family
Leaves (6)
Maternity Leave. National legislation established a mandatory
five month paid and job-protected maternity leave for all wage earning
mothers at the time of pregnancy and childbirth. The first such
law was enacted in 1912 and the legislation was amended several
times subsequently, to cover agricultural workers, domestic servants,
and recently professional women and the self employed, by a benefit
pegged to the average wage. The leave begins two months before expected
childbirth and ends three months after. A cash benefit replacing
80 percent of wages is provided through the social security fund.
Civil servants receive their full pay while on leave and many collective
bargaining agreements require employers to top the social insurance
benefit and pay an additional benefit covering the remaining 20
percent of wage. All full-time working mothers are also entitled
to two hours a day of rest time during the first year after birth.
Parental Leave. In March, 2000 a reform of the Italian parental
leave policy was enacted introducing greater flexibility and longer
leave periods. The law explicitly recognizes the role of the father.
In addition to the mandatory maternity leave for 3 months after
birth, both parents can now take a total of 10 months (or 11 if
the father takes more than two months in a row). Six months can
be taken up to the child's third birthday, at 30 % of earnings and
the rest can be taken up to the child's eighth birthday but without
pay, except for low-income families. Small firms, which have to
temporarily replace the workers may receive a tax benefit.
Parents have the right to take unlimited unpaid job-protected sick
leave to care for an ill child under age 3.
Adoptive and foster parents of children under age 6 have the same
right to the three month leave following adoption and the optional
ten month leave after, for children under age 3. Other personal
leaves are often available as well.
In 1998 a new policy was proposed by the government in the Parliament:
to extend the parental leave from six months to ten, but the extra
four months would have to be taken by the other partner. The leave
could be taken partially and combined with part-time work, and used
at any time within the first eight years of the child's life.
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Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC)
Italy's ECEC programs are divided by age and follow a pattern fairly
similar to that in France and Belgium. Compulsory primary school
begins at age 6.
Scuola Materne (Preschool). Like the French Ecole Maternelle,
the Scuole Materne is the Italian preschool program serving children
aged 3-6, under the auspices of the Ministry of Education, financed
largely by the national government, free for the core school day
and voluntary. About 96 percent of the cohort is enrolled. The program
began as in several other countries, more than a century ago, as
a private philanthropic activity carried out under religious auspices.
There was little further development before 1968, when national
legislation was enacted, assigning responsibility for the establishment
of preschools to the Ministry of Education. With national funding,
the initial priorities were for economically depressed areas and
rapidly growing urban areas; but the 1970s saw an explosion of provision
along with an acceleration of female labor force participation.
The Materne are 10 -month programs open from about 8:00 am to 4:00,
5:00, or 6:00pm, depending on location and program. One such program
in Reggio Emilia is world renowned for its quality and creativity.
Italian leaders in the field account for the explosion in demand
for public preschools to five factors (7):
(a) increasing awareness of the value of a group experience for
a child's social development and a child's right to have such an
experience; (b) the recognition of the value of preschool as preparation
for primary school; (c) smaller families and parents concern about
the growing isolation of young children (e) the declining availability
of qualified staff in religious schools; and (e) parental belief
that state schools were of higher quality and more convenient because
of their longer hours. Almost 60 percent of the children attend
public preschools while only 19 percent are in church programs and
10 percent in private secular programs. About 1/3 of the facilities
are religious while almost all the remainder are public.
Asilo Nido (Child Care Centers). The Asilo Nido is the publicly
funded and largely publicly operated child care program serving
children aged three months to three years, open 11 months of the
year, and charging income-related fees. The program emerged out
of the same history and institutions as the scuola materne. However,
national legislation enacted in 1971 gave all mothers the right
to use these programs for the under threes, but gave working mothers
priority for places; other priorities now are children of lone mothers,
poor mothers, and handicapped children. Yet despite these criteria
for eligibility, most children who attend are from middle and upper
class families.
The law decreed that the national government should play an active
role in funding these facilities, employers should contribute 1
percent of payroll taxes to support them, but that regional and
local governments should have responsibility for their operation.
Today, regional and local governments are the responsible agencies
for funding and operating the program.
The Asilo Nido began first as a social service, then became
a support service for working women, and only recently has begun
to be viewed as an important developmental experience for children
generally. It is still not viewed in the same way as the scuola
materne which is now universally viewed as an essential socialization
and educational experience for all children.
The Asili Nidi cover the full work day and are often open
11 hours a day from 7:30 am to 6:30 pm . They are designed to serve
children from three months of age but children usually begin at
9 months or 1 year, when the parental leave ends. Typically, centers
serve from 30 to 60 children. Coverage is modest, nationally, at
about 7 percent of the age group, but in the north in some regions
such as Emilia Romagno, coverage may reach 30 percent. All centers
are public and almost all are operated under municipal auspices.
Quality varies enormously, but is excellent in certain parts of
the north. There is little or no family day care and most children
of working mothers are still cared for by domestic servants who
provide in-home care.
The Emilia region has been in the forefront of these developments,
as it has with regard to scuola materna, and has established an
innovative system of infant and toddler care under the auspices
of the public education system. Given the shortage of places, and
the conviction that a group experience is important even for the
very young, this region has developed part-day and part-week programs
serving all caregivers of very young children, both at-home parents,
grandparents, and "nannies".
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Child and Family Allowances
Family allowances are cash benefits provided to families based
on the presence and number of children in the family. In Italy,
they are means-tested, tax-exempt, contingent on employment status,
provided for children up to age 18 (with no age limit for disabled/handicapped
children), and among the lowest in Europe. Originally, they were
universal and a large portion of the population received them. Over
the years, the number of potential beneficiaries has declined and
of those receiving benefits, more than 50 percent are now old age
pensioners(8). Moreover, since they are not
indexed, they lost almost 40 percent of their real value between
1988 and 1996.
In the 1960s and 1970s, family allowances constituted about 5-10
percent of a workers wage for a couple with two children, but by
the early 1990s were worth practically nothing. Between 1996 and
the present both the number of beneficiaries has increased and the
benefit level has been raised by about 20 percent, and by 25 percent
in cases of families with a disabled child (or other relative).
At the end of the 1990s, legislation reducing family allowances
for those with income over a certain level was enacted.
A new means-tested benefit was introduced in 1999 for all families
with more than three children below 18. This creates increased assistance
to low-income families but also increases the financial disincentive
to work, for those who qualify(9).
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Child and Family Tax Benefits
There is a non-refundable (wastable) tax credit for children.
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Other Child Conditioned Income
Transfers
Survivor's Benefits are available to children. No other social
insurance benefits are available. Social Assistance is discretionary,
financed and delivered by municipalities, and varies greatly across
the country.
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Child and Adolescent Health
Italy had a universal national health service that was established
in 1978, but in 1993 turned it into an income-tested alternative.
However, children up to age 12 are covered by a universal service.
Health planning and financing are carried out at the national level
but the delivery system is managed at regional and local levels,
often closely linked with personal social services. One part of
the social service system is also targeted on children. There is
a significant difference in access to health care and health status
between the north and the south.
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Youth
The situation of young people in the south is so bad that it is
considered a dramatic social emergency. The unemployment rate for
youth aged 15-24 is about 35 percent, almost three times the unemployment
rate for the country as a whole (12 percent).
Click here to view in pdf format a table on the Ages
at which children are legally entitled to carry out a series of
acts in the European Union. See Youth
Policies section for definition of terms used.
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References
Kahn, Alfred J. and Sheila B. Kamerman, Social Policy and the Under
3s: Six Country Case Studies. New York: CUSSW, 1994.
Kamerman, Sheila B. and Alfred J. Kahn, A Welcome for Every Child:
Infant and Toddler Care in Europe. Washington, D.C.: Zero To Three,
1994.
Sgritta, Giovanni "Italy in 1996" in European Family Observatory,
Developments in National Family Policies 1996.
Social Protection in Europe 1999.
Zanatta, Anna Laura. "Special Report' Children's Issues in Italy",
in European Family Observatory . Developments in National Family
Policies 1996.
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Notes
- Anna Laura Zanatta, "Special Report' Children's Issues in Italy",
in European Observatory on National Family Policies 1996
- OECD in Figures, 1999.
- Anna Laura Zanatta, "Special Report' Children's Issues in Italy",
in European Observatory on National Family Policies 1996
- Giovanni B. Sgritta, "Italy in 1996" in European Family Observatory,
Developments in National Family Policies 1996.
- Giovanni, 1996.
- European Network, "Families and Work", and New Ways to Work,
Parental Leaves in European Union Countries, 1998.
- Alfred J. Kahn and Sheila B. Kamerman, Social Policy and the
Under 3s: Six Country Case Studies. New York: CUSSW, 1994.
- Giovanni, 1996.
- European Commission, Social Europe 1999, 2000.
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Contacts
Washington Embassy
Embassy of Italy
1601 Fuller St., NW
Washington, DC 20009
Phone: (202) 328-5500
Fax: (202) 462-3605
Ministry
Mr. Mirella Boncompagni
Director for Family and Social Policy
Prime Minister's Office for Social Affairs
Via Veneto, 56
Roma 2901
Phone: 39 06 481681 470
Email: ufficioii@affarsociali.it
Website: www.affarisociali.it
Mr. Alberto Colella
Head of International Affairs Office
Minestero del Lavoro e della Previdenza Sociale
Via Pagano, 3
Roma 2901
Phone: 39 06 4683-2901
Fax: 39 06 46832006
Email: UfficioAI@minlavoro.it
(the letter preceeding "@" is a capital "i")
Website: www.minlavoro.it
European Union Family Observatory National Representative
Giovanni B. Sgritta
Dipartimento di Scienze Demografiche
Universita degli Studi di Roma 'La Sapienza'
Via Nomentana 41
I-00161 Rome
Phone: 39-06-499 195 20
Fax: 39-06-853 033 74
Email: sgritta@uniroma1.it
Website: http://www.uniroma1.it
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