Ireland
(last updated October 2001) |
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Introduction and OverviewLong one of the highly traditional agrarian, poorer, underdeveloped, small countries of Europe, Ireland had more than a century and a half of constant out-migration. However, its economy has taken off since an industrial development plan in the 1960s. It saw further growth after it joined the European Union (EU) in the mid-80s. Prior to the general 2001 economic downturn, it enjoyed an unusually high growth rate (between 7 and 8 percent, well above the European average), a booming high-tech sector, the return of some of its citizens, and optimistic prospects. It has attracted and accepted asylum seekers from Africa and Europe-and it feels it can afford the more active family policy of a post-industrial society. In a sense, Irish family policies reflect several historical themes. As long one of the poorest countries in Europe, in a class with Greece, Spain, and Turkey, it faced extreme policy limitations. As a homogeneous, strongly Catholic country, family policy reflected Catholic doctrine, despite rigorous legal separation of church and state. And as a country in some ways in the Anglo-American orbit, Ireland has had a minimalist, means-tested, targeted approach to welfare policy. The heritage of these forces is still apparent, even as Ireland enjoys a per capita GDP (PPP) which compares well in Europe. The new circumstances have accelerated family policy tendencies that began decades ago, reflecting changing roles of women, family change, and rapidly falling fertility. In 1992, Ireland ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and instructed Governmental departments to work towards implementation in their areas of responsibility.
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HighlightsClick here to view or print country highlights in pdf format. |
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Government AgenciesMost of the policies and programs here of interest are the responsibility of the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs. This includes all cash payments. Except for unemployment benefits (paid out of local department offices) and disability allowances, as well as supplementary welfare allowances (paid out of 8 regional health boards), the cash payments are made out of the Department's central offices (in Dublin and 3 other locations). The Department's services operate at the local level, through regional offices. The other major ministry involved, the Department of Health and Children, is responsible for health services and the payment of cash maternity grants. In 1999, eight regional authorities became responsible for operational decisions for health services.
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Demographic and Other Social TrendsWith a population of 3.8 million, Ireland is one of Europe's "small" countries, except for Luxembourg the smallest in the European Union. In total area, it is among the smaller countries. The Irish national expert for the European Union's Family Observatory chose the following demographic developments to highlight in 1999:
It will be the last of the EU countries to show a population decline (2049) under current fertility rates,(2). To this we might add: The out-of-wedlock birth rate is now 25 percent of the total. The 0-14 age group constituted 23.2 percent of the population in 1997 according to a Council of Europe compilation, higher than other European countries. The mean ages of mothers at first births and for all births have been high in Ireland for decades and continue among Europe's highest. Despite current concern with lone parents, Ireland's rates are comparatively low (11 percent of all families, 11 percent of families with a child under 15, and 17 percent of all families with children). One in five households with dependent children is headed by a single parent, close to the U.K. rate. Female labor force participation rates are well below EU and OECD averages (42 percent of mothers with children under age 15), but growing rapidly, especially among young married women. It is mostly full-time employment and the portion is increasing steadily. Married and cohabitating mothers are more likely to be in employment than lone mothers, the situation in only a few industrial countries. Noteworthy in Ireland, as in UK, is the comparatively low labor force participation rate for single women with children and the large difference in rates for married women with and without children. Severe shortages of child care resources is believed to be a major factor. Ireland was one of Europe's high unemployment countries, about average in the EU for 1997, with men and women equally affected. A large portion of the unemployed are long-term. However all unemployment rates have declined significantly over the decade. Male and female youth unemployment rates, below respective EU averages, have also fallen significantly over the past decade. The results under the general worldwide downturn for 2001 are not yet clear.
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Social ProtectionThe '90s have seen continuous efforts to update Irish social protection in line with the country's improved economy and new demographic realities. On-going debates and contests about legislation developed and still continue with reference to divorce, abortion, intervention with regard to child abuse. The actions have been in the direction of slow liberalization. A variety of steps were taken the better to "support families" and to reflect "a growing recognition of a variety of family forms not based on marriage(3). Income support benefits were improved in most programs, beyond inflation rates, but remained modest, and many fragmented, categorical, inequitable programs were integrated in a gender-neutral one-parent allowance (1997). While there was no major policy thrust on reconciling work and family life, an EU directive led to improved parental leaves. Child care lagged badly. Commissions, task forces, and researchers produced reports recounting the advantages of traditional families but calling for acceptance of diverse types and urging that children not be penalized because of the types of families in which they found themselves(4). Inevitably, independent national poverty studies do not necessarily match international data bases. Irish studies using a measure relative to the median income show a rise in child poverty (to 29.3%) from 1973-1980-1987-1992, reflecting growing unemployment and particular impact on multi-child families. However, international comparative studies (which also adjust for PPP) show a relative rate of 16.8 percent, giving Ireland the 6th highest child poverty rate among 23 OECD countries for 1995. In another calculation, using the U.S. "absolute" poverty line, Ireland, with the 15th highest per capita GDP among 16 European countries (plus Australia), had the 4th highest child poverty rate, exceeded by U.K., Italy and Spain. The lone-parent child poverty rate in Ireland was 46.4 percent (but only 8 percent of children were in lone-parent families) and the rate in other families was 14.2 percent. From 1994, Ireland began a period of unprecendented economic growth, the fastest in the EU; in 1997, the government adopted a national anti-poverty strategy and is targeting results both in terms of a "relative" definition and measures of deprivation. The Irish government collects 35.7 percent of the GDP in revenue and expends 36.3 percent, low percentage among European welfare states, but exceeding Japan and Australia. As is consistent with their per-capita GDPs, Ireland and Spain expend the smallest amounts per capita for all social expenditures among EU countries, Greece and Portugal excluded (just above 3000 ECU's per capita). Consistent with this, Ireland expends a little less out of its GDP for health services than most EU countries (about as much as U.K.) and a bit less than the OECD average on education. Within its social welfare budget, however, it is one of the top EU spenders, in a group with Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Luxembourg in the share of social expenditures allocated to family benefits (1996). It is also relatively high on the share of social expenditure for unemployment, and balances it out by being below European rates for old age and survivors benefits. Means-testing was involved in 35 percent of social expenditure in Ireland in the 1990s. This is a high proportion in an EU where 10 ½ percent was the 1996 average.
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Child, Youth and Family PoliciesMaternity, Paternity, Parental, and Family LeavesUnder 1994 legislation, Ireland has a 14 week maternity leave, with replacement of 70 percent of salary to a guaranteed minimum and a specified maximum. At least 4 weeks must be taken before childbirth. This benefit is not taxable. Since the end of 1998, in response to an EU directive, a parent may take up to 14 weeks of unpaid parental leave at any time until a child is 5. The days may be combined or spread out in various ways. Another paid leave may be used for family emergencies (3 days in 12 months or 5 days in 36 months). Adoptive parents also have a right to leave, its coverage varying with age at adoption. (There is also a low-level 'health and safety benefit,' income-tested, related to night work or breast feeding).
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Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC)As was the case in U.K. and the U.S. in an earlier era, Ireland moved into the 1990s with little formally provided child care except for children with special needs. Various task forces and reports explored possible initiatives by the private sector, employers, government. Only gradually was there statutory authority for regulation. Several commissions noted that adequate and accessible child care provision was a counterpart of increased maternal employment. By the late 1990s only 2 percent of the 0-3 group were in care and 55 percent of the 3-6s. However, the Irish reporter for the EU Family Observatory noted in 1996 that 54 percent of the 4s and 99 percent of the 5s were in school (the compulsory school age is 6). There are special enrichment programs ("Early Start") for children at risk and there is special funding for pre-school for Traveller children-with size and scope of these efforts unreported. There is no public provision for "out-of-school day care," so parents make their own arrangements. It has been estimated that 60,000 children attend private day care facilities(5). Child care is defined as an investment priority in the National Development Plan, 2000-2006.
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Family and Child AllowancesGradually, after recommendation from a commission in the mid-80s and several incremental measures which left the system fragmented, Ireland raised all cash transfers to the originally proposed levels. Focusing on protecting "basic income for children" there was major improvement in child benefits, which are universal, and decreases in various dependent allowances (those connected with unemployment benefits, for example). The idea was to cut poverty among children and to deal with unemployment and poverty "traps" inherent in the dependent allowances. The age for child benefits was raised to 18 (except for those who elect to work at 16). The grant starts with the first child and the payment is higher for third and subsequent children. Benefits are doubled for triplets or other multiple births. These are universal benefits, government financed, and not taxable. There also are special cash birth grants in instances of multiple births. There is a monthly add-on for children with handicaps living at home. Overall, income transfers in Ireland are more effective in reducing post-transfer poverty than they are in most EU countries.(6) In 1990 Ireland pulled together a variety of fragmented and inconsistent programs addressed to lone parents in a new lone parent allowance. (It also enacted at that time legislation requiring spouses to maintain each other and their children)(7). The current "one parent family payment," as it is called, is a means-tested scheme with quite low benefits, seen as a supplement. There were 50,000 beneficiaries at the end of 1997. Irish policy has gradually moved towards encouragement of work for mothers as a way out of poverty, after a long period of attempting to make it unnecessary for mothers to go out to work. This benefit allow the recipient earnings to a ceiling that does not affect the allowance, or to another ceiling with a partial allowance. Another family benefit program in this vein (for lone parent or two-parent families) is "family income supplements (FIS)" to help families with children on low pay. The benefit is equal to 60 percent of the difference between net income and an income limit for a family of that size: parents must be working at least 19 hours weekly and have a child under age 18 (22 if in school).
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Child and Family Tax BenefitsTax concessions for widows/widowers, caring for a disabled child and for lone parenthood. No special tax deductions for family -related expenses, a child's education, or child care. Child additions to tax exemption limits for taxpayers on low incomes.
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Other Child Conditioned Income TransfersThere are dependent-child supplements to old-age and permanent disability benefits and for survivor benefits. There also is a means-tested, non-contributory orphan's pension. There also are dependent-child supplements to unemployment insurance, and to the means-tested unemployment assistance. See above re: "Family Income Supplement." There also is a "continued dependent child payment" in the instances of unemployment extending beyond 12 months. It may continue for 13 weeks. "Supplementary welfare allowance," not limited to families with children, is a statutory entitlement with benefit levels set nationally, but with some discretion for community welfare offices for lump-sum payments and weekly rent or mortgage supplement. The program is for people with little or no means who if employable are registered for work, not normally for people working or in school. There are special allowances for families with children. Grants are determined by household structure and numbers of children.
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Child and Adolescent HealthAll primary school children have the right to a free school health service, including dental care and treatment for a list of illnesses, regardless of parental income. The population at large are entitled to free (1/3 of the population) or subsidized health care, except for GP services and prescription drugs, which are charged on a means-tested basis. Those not entitled to free service and/or wanting a private hospital, or other private care, take out private health insurance. Those with incomes above the "free" threshold are entitled to a range of free or subsidized services, including maternity or infant care. All infants are entitled to a full course of immunizations in their first 16 months either in a local health clinic or by the family doctor. There is concern with gaps in take-up and a government campaign is aiming at 95 percent(8). Irish vital statistics compare well on standard rates although they are not leaders: infant mortality, 6.3 percent; low birth weight, 4.13 percent; neo-natal mortality, 4.6 percent (1995). Teen-age births are few and out-of-country abortion data probably not valid.
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School-Aged Children: Policies and ProgramsThe primary school day must cover at least 5 hours and 40 minutes for 183 days per year. The secondary school year, for167 days, may not last over 6 hours daily. As noted earlier there are no public provisions for out-of-school child care. While overall attendance rates are good, there are high truancy and drop-out rates in secondary school (ages 12-16) in disadvantaged areas. This is a subject of current governmental attention-and of a variety of special initiatives(9). Compulsory education begins at age 6, but almost all 5s and half the 4s attend infant classes in primary school. The school-leaving age has been raised to 16 from 15. Educational achievement is better than in many countries with comparable levels of GDP but the proportions with upper secondary or higher education is below the EU average; men and women have similar educational attainments. Government has undertaken a variety of initiatives with regard to truancy and school dropouts.
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YouthClick here to view in pdf format a table on the ages at which children are legally entitled to carry out a series of acts in the European Union.See Youth Policies section for definition of terms used.
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Reconciliation of Work and Family LifeSee above re: Parental Leaves and Child Care. In 1998 the Commission on the Family stated that the government and "social partners" identified "bringing about a suitable balance between work and family life as a key issue for the new century."
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| Housing Benefits
There are no statutory housing rights but recipients may qualify for rent supplements under the Supplementary Welfare Assistance scheme, mortgage interest relief under the tax system, or a local authority income-tested/socially assessed differential rent scheme. |
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ReferencesEurostat, The Social Situation in the European Union, 2001 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities). Gabriel Kiely and Valerie Richardson, "Ireland: Issues Concerning the Family in 1995," in John Ditch, Helen Barnes and Jonathan Bradshaw, Developments in National Family Policies in 1995 (Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, D.G.V, 1996), pp. 69-79. Gabriel Kiely, "Report on Ireland for the Year 1996," in John Ditch, Helen Barnes and Jonathan Bradshaw, Developments in National Family Policies in 1996 (Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, D.G.V, 1998),pp. 113-130. Gabriel Kiely and Valerie Richardson, "Ireland: Family Policy in a Rapidly Changing Society," in Wilfried Dumon, ed., Changing Family Policies in the Member States of the European Union (Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, 1994),pp. 151-172. Gabriel Kiely, O'Donnell, A.; Kennedy, P., and Quinn, S. (editors), Irish Social Policy in Context. Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 1999. Quinn, Suzanne, Kennedy; P., O'Donnell, A.; and Kiely, G. (editors), Contemporary Irish Social Policy. Dublin: University College Dublin Press. |
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Notes
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ContactsWashington Embassy Embassy of Ireland Ministry Mrs.Catherine Hazlett European Union Family Observatory National Representative Gabriel Kiely |
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