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(Last updated
September 2006)
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Introduction and
Overview
Colombia is located on the northwestern corner of the South American
continent, having access to both the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans (to
the north and west respectively). Its neighbor countries are Panama
to the northwest, Venezuela to the northeast, Brazil to the
southeast, Ecuador and Peru to the south. The total territory is
1.1 million square kilometers and its total population is 44.5
million inhabitants, the majority of whom live in urban areas (72.5%
of the population).
Historically, Colombia is characterized in Latin America for having
a long tradition of democracy and institutional stability. Since
1880, along with Argentina, Colombia is the country that has changed
its constitution the least (only twice) and during the 20th
century was the country with the fewest number of military
dictatorships (only one). However, at the same time the country has
been criticized for having a closed political system. Until 1991,
Colombia had a bipartisan system with the hegemony of the liberal
and conservative parties and with no effective mechanisms for
participation of third parties. In the late 1980s, in particular
after the Constitution of 1991, the political system in Colombia
opened significantly to the participation of other political parties
and movements as well as to citizen participation in local affairs[1].
Colombia is also characterized in Latin America for having a
stable economy in comparison to other countries in the region.
During the 1980, the “lost decade” for Latin America, Colombia
was the only country in the region that did not experience
negative growth. It was also the only country that did not stop
paying its external debt. Colombia, as well as Chile, did not
suffer from hyperinflation as other counties in the region did
during the 1980s (such as Argentina and Brazil).
Notwithstanding its stable economic growth (averaging 3.4% in
the 1980s and 2.7% in 1990s) Colombia’s economy is small in
terms of GDP per capita. In 2003, GDP per capita amounted to
US$1,740, which is less than one third the GDP per capita in
Mexico (US$6,060), 38% of GDP per capita in Chile (US$4,523) and
about half the GDP per capita in Argentina (US$3,422), but
closer to Brazil’s (US$2,771) (CEPAL, 2004). When compared using
the purchasing power parity (PPP), Colombia differences look
somewhat smaller, but Colombia is still low relative to these
countries[2].
Also, notwithstanding its political stability and democratic
tradition, Colombia’s has suffered from a long period of
armed conflict, which is complex and which involves
guerrilla groups as well as paramilitary groups. Moreover,
the production of illicit drugs and all the illicit
activities that this entails adds another layer of
complexity to this conflict that represents a daily threat
to the economic and political stability.
Colombian social sector
Historically, there has been an emphasis on social insurance
(which covers mostly the formal sector) but not much on
social assistance. As mentioned above, Colombia signed a
new constitution in 1991. This new Constitution not only
restructured the political system but it also broadened the
scope of the state in terms of its responsibility of
assuring social rights. Accordingly, it initiated a series
of reforms that made significant progress towards expanding
basic services such as health and education (explained below
in the respective sections). However, social assistance
was not included in the reforms following the new
constitution, and therefore the problem of lack of a
comprehensive system was exacerbated. This is clearly seen
in the trends in expenditures: While public spending on
health and education more than doubled between 1990 and 1996
(from about 4% of GDP to 8% of GDP), spending on social
assistance remained unchanged during the 1990s (at about 1%
of GDP) and actually decreased in 2000 (to 0.7% of GDP)
(Fedesarrollo, 2002).
After a severe economic recession in 1999 that increased
unemployment and poverty rates significantly, it was evident
that Colombia did not have an effective social protection
system. Although different administrations had designed
different programs for the poor, there was no consistent or
comprehensive system, but instead fragmentation of the
programs and lack of continuity.
In recent years, and following other Latin American
countries, there has been a growing interest and effort to
build a safety net in the country. Although the task is not
fully completed, important steps have been taken. In 2000
the “social support network” (Red de Apoyo Social)
was created in order to implement a series of programs aimed
to protect the most vulnerable populations. Also, in 2002
the “System of Social Protection” was created. This new
system includes both social insurance and social assistance
and tries to get under the same umbrella (or at least less
umbrellas) the different programs that have been created in
the past as well as the recent programs.
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Government
Agencies
Historically, there has been a lot of fragmentation of social
programs and lack of coordination between institutions (for example,
different agencies having similar programs and do not use their
resources effectively). In particular, the Colombian safety-net
protection system has been criticized for lacking a strategic
approach and for being formed by “too many programs with too little
resources” (World Bank, 2002a).
One of the objectives of the most recent creation of the
Presidential Agency for Social Action and International Cooperation
(described below) is to provide this coordination and channel
resources so that they are used more effectively and efficiently,
which still remains to be seen (because it is very new).
The
System of Social Protection (created in 2002) has two main
components: social insurance and social assistance. Each component
is lead by different institutions. The Ministry of Social Protection[3]
leads the programs that are related to social insurance (such as
health insurance, pensions and “professional risks” (riesgos
profesionales) and the Presidential Agency for Social Action and
International Cooperation leads the programs related to social
assistance (this is a very recent change (July 2005)). This agency
was created in order to channel the resources needed to implement
the social programs dependent on the national government and that
are targeted to vulnerable populations affected by poverty, illicit
drugs or violence. Its mission is “to coordinate, administer and
implement the programs of “Social Action” and the development
projects that are targeted toward poor and vulnerable populations”[4].
This new agency will also have the responsibility to coordinate the
development of social policy established by the national government,
coordinate the development of international cooperation policy
determined by the Ministry of Foreign Relations, and to promote and
manage
international cooperation. Before this agency was created, there
where two main institutions that ran different social assistance
programs, which are now “subscribed” or attached to this new
Presidential Agency. These are the Investment for Peace Fund (Fondo
de Inversion para la Paz, FIP), which finances the social
component of “Plan Colombia”[5]
and the Social Solidarity Net (Red de Solidaridad Social, RSS),
which is in charge of programs targeted to displaced population and
victims of violence as well as the national nutrition program (Red
de Seguridad Alimentaria). Also attached to this new
presidential agency is the Colombian Agency for International
Cooperation (Agencia Colombiana de Cooperación Internacional,
ACCI).
Another important institution is the National System of Welfare
Service (Sistema Nacional de Bienestar Familiar, SNBF). This
system was created in 1979 with the main objectives of promoting
family integration and protecting children’s rights. Within this
system, the most important institution is the Colombian Institute of
Family Welfare (Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar,
ICBF), which was assigned by law the responsibility of coordinating
the system. In general, this system is in charge on one hand of
child’s protection (like child welfare in the US) and on the other
hand is in charge of early childhood care (particularly for
low-income families), which includes the provision of child care,
nutrition, and the promotion of access to health care (this latter
in coordination with the Ministry of Social Protection),
particularly among low-income families. One important feature of
the ICBF is that all it is financed by a 3 percent payroll tax (the
only other governmental agency that has tax-specific funding is the
National Training Service (Sistema Nacional de Aprendizaje,
SENA), which is financed by a 2 percent payroll tax)
(Alm & López-Castaño, 2003).
Finally, it is important to mention the Ministry of Education, which
was created in 1886 and has the mission of “guaranteeing the right
to education under the criteria of equity, quality and efficiency”[6].
The Ministry of Education sets the general educational policies,
including those to increase coverage of basic education and oversees
the educational system. At the local level, both the
departamentos (states) and municipalities play an important role
in developing and implementing the specific educational plans.
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Demographic
Profile
As
many other Latin American countries, Colombia experienced important
demographic transformations during the last half of the 20th
century: population growth decreased (in part because of an
important decrease in fertility rates), and the proportion of aged
is increasing (in part because mortality rates have decreased).
Population growth in Colombia almost halved from about 3% in the
1950s to 1.7% in the period 2000-2005. Although population growth
in Colombia is close to the average for Latin America (1.5%), it is
significantly higher than Argentina (.96%), Chile (1.1%) and
somewhat higher than Brazil and Mexico (1.4%) (ECLAC,
2005).
Fertility rates also decreased, particularly after the decade of
1960. In 1950 the average number of children per woman was close to
7 and remained constant until the 1960s, when birth control policies
were established and then fertility rates started to decrease to an
average of 3.69 children per women in 1980-1985 and 2.62 in
2000-2005[7].
This improvement in fertility rates is concurrent with all the
region, which in 40 years went from having one of the highest
fertility rates in the world, to having levels that are below the
world’s median
(ECLAC, 2005).
As with population growth, the fertility rate in Colombia is
close to the average for Latin America (2.57), but is higher than
Chile (2.00), Argentina (2.05), Brazil (2.34) and Mexico (2.49).
Compared to OECD countries, Colombia’s fertility rate is over one
point higher than the average for European countries (1.47 children
per women).
Life
expectancy has increased considerably in the last 50 years: while
the age expectancy in 1950 was only 48 years, in 2004 it was 72.2
(Departamento Nacional de Planeación,
2005c), which is about the average
expectancy rate for the region for 2000-2005 (72.0), although still
over 5 years lower than the average for OECD countries (77.8)
[8]. Colombia’s life expectancy is lower
than Chile (77.7), Argentina (74.3), and Mexico (73.4), but higher
than Brazil (71.0) (ECLAC,
2005).
One of the main factors that contributed to the increase in life
expectancy was the significant improvements in the infant
mortality rate, which was reduced by over 5 times in 50 years:
130 infant deaths per 1,000 live births (130‰) in 1950 to 24.4
infant deaths per 1,000 live births (24.4‰) in 2004
(Departamento Nacional de Planeación, 2005c),
which is below the average for the region for 2000-2005
(27.4‰). Infant morality in Colombia is more prevalent than in
Chile (which has a very low rate of 8‰) and Argentina (15‰), but
is less prevalent than in Mexico (28.2‰) or Brazil (27.3‰).
Compared to developed countries, Colombia’s infant mortality is
almost 5 times larger than the average for OECD countries (5.16
infant deaths per 1,000 live births)[9].
In
terms of the age distribution the proportion of children (0-15)
has decreased from 43% of the population in 1950 to 31% in 2005,
while the proportion of adults (15-64) increased from 54% to 64%
and the proportion of elderly adults (65 or older) increased
from 3% to 5% in the same period (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación, 2005c).
Finally, it is important to note that Colombia experienced and
accelerated the process of urbanization in the 20th
century. While in 1918 21% of the population lived in urban
areas and 79% in rural areas; in 2004 the distribution has
almost reversed with 72.5% living in the urban areas and 27.5%
living in rural areas (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación, 2005c).
Race/ethnicity
Colombia is a mixed-race country comprising Afro-descendents,
Amerindians, Europeans and combinations (such as mestizos).
It is estimated that 21 percent of the population is
Afro-Colombian and 2 percent are indigenous (World
Bank, 2005). Traditionally, Afro-colombians
have been concentrated in 5 departamentos of the country
(Chocó, Cauca, Nariño, Bolivar, and Antioquia) and in the
archipelago of San Andrés and Providencia. Afro-Colombians are
disproportionately affected by poverty and by the armed conflict
(30 percent of the internally displaced population is
Afro-Colombian). Recent research has estimated that 40 percent
of the Afro-Colombian population is currently concentrated in
the three principal metropolitan areas of the country (Bogota,
Medellin, Cali) (World Bank, 2005).
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Social
Protection
Expenditures on social welfare (levels and trends)
During the 1990s Colombia’s expenditures on social welfare increased
significantly: from 6.8% of GDP in 1990-1991 to 15.3% in 1996-1997.
Because of the economic recession of the late 1990s, the level of
social welfare expenditures decreased to 13.6% of GDP in 2000-2001
(Lasso, 2004), but it is still
close to twice as much as the beginning of the 1990s. When we look
at social expenditures as a proportion of total government spending,
the trend is not as positive: while the share of social expenditures
increased in the middle of the decade (from to 28.8% of total
spending in 1990-1991 to 41.8% in 1996-1997), it went down to 33.5%
in 2000-2001 (ECLAC, 2004).
In
terms of expenditures in specific sectors, for the period 2000-2001,
social welfare expenditures in Colombia were distributed as follows:
3.9% of GDP for education, 4.3% of GDP for health, 4.4% of GDP for
social security and labor, 1% of GDP for housing and other social
welfare programs (Lasso, 2004). With the exception of health
expenditures, all other expenditures are higher than in 1990-1991,
but lower than in 1996-1997 (see Table 1 below).
Table 1. Social welfare expenditures as a share of GDP for
Colombia
|
Sector |
1990-1991 |
1996-1997 |
2000-2001 |
|
|
2.7 |
4.8 |
3.9 |
|
Health |
1.0 |
3.3 |
4.3 |
|
Social Security and Labor |
2.5 |
6.1 |
4.4 |
|
Housing and other |
0.5 |
1.2 |
1.0 |
|
Total social expenditures |
6.8 |
15.3 |
13.6 |
Source: Lasso (2004).
The
increase in social expenditures during the 1990s was not unique to
Colombia, but was a common factor in most Latin America
(particularly in the South American countries). Between 1990-1991
and 2000-2001 social expenditures per capita in the region increased
by 60% in real terms (from 342 to 540 US dollars). As a percentage
of GDP, social expenditures increased by close to four percentage
points in this 10-year period (from 10.1% of GDP in 1990-1991 to
13.8% of GDP in 2000-2001) (ECLAC,
2004).
One fact in which Colombia is an exception (along with Argentina,
Costa Rica, Ecuador and Paraguay) is that social expenditures as a
share of total spending decreased. For the rest of Latin American
countries (for which data is available), the proportion of public
spending geared towards the social sector increased (on average from
41.5% in 1990-1991 to 48.7% in 2000-2001) (ECLAC,
2004).
Comparatively, Colombia’s social welfare expenditures are about the
average for Latin America (for 2000-2001 the average social welfare
expenditures for Latin America was 13.8 % of GDP. Colombian social
expenditures are lower than Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay (which
spend over 18% of their GDP on the social sector), but higher than
Peru, Ecuador and Mexico (which spend less than 10% of GDP on the
social sector). Also, Colombia is an exception in its reduction on
expenditures on education and social security with respect to the
mid 1990s. Only Colombia and Ecuador reduced education expenditures
between 1996-1997 and 2000-2001 and only Colombia and Panama reduced
expenditures on social security during this period (in 2000-2001 the
average public expenditure on education for Latin America was 4.2%
of GDP and for social security 5.1% of GDP, both higher than
Colombia’s levels). In contrast, Colombia was the Latin American
country with the largest increase in health expenditures over this
period, situating the country average public expenditure for health,
which was 3.1% of GDP in 2000-2001 (ECLAC,
2004).
Compared to the OECD countries, Colombia’s social welfare
expenditures are close to half the average for OECD (23.97% of GDP).
If we look at specific sectors, Colombia’s public expenditures on
education and health are relatively close to the OECD countries
(4.84% of GDP and 5.85% of GDP respectively). However, public
expenditures on pensions are significantly lower than the average
for OECD countries (7.7% of GDP).
Trends in poverty
In
Colombia two main indicators are used to measure poverty, the
“Poverty Line Measure” and the “Basic Unmet Needs Index”. The
“Poverty Line Measure” is an absolute income-based measure that
estimates the proportion of people (and households) that live on
incomes below the poverty line. This poverty line was calculated in
1988 by the National Department of Statistics (DANE, for its
abbreviation in Spanish) and represents the minimum amount needed to
buy a basic basket of goods. This threshold was updated in 1995 to
reflect changes in consumption and is also updated every year to
reflect changes in prices. In 2002, the poverty line was $173,232
Colombian pesos (62.2 US dollars) per month per person for the urban
areas, and $125,339 Colombian pesos (50.1 US dollars) for the rural
areas.
The
other indicator is the “Basic Unmet Needs Index” (NBI, for its
abbreviation in Spanish), which considers poor any household that
does not meet one of the basic needs and considers indigent any
household that does not meet more than one of the basic needs (the
basic needs are inadequate housing materials, inadequate utilities,
extreme overcrowding, failure to attend school for school-aged
children, and high economic dependency).
When poverty is measured using the “Poverty Line” methodology, we
can see substantial progress between 1975 and 1995, but a dramatic
setback in the late 1990s: in 1999 poverty rate returned to the
level in 1988 and extreme poverty reached even a higher level than
the one in 1988 (see Table 2 below). If we look at trends by region
we can see that the reversal in poverty has happened in the urban
areas. However, it is important to note the extremely high poverty
rates in the rural Colombian areas: in 1999 79% of the rural
population was under the official poverty line compared to 55% in
the urban areas.
Table 2: Poverty Indicators in Colombia 1978-1999
|
|
1978 |
1988 |
1995 |
1999 |
|
|
National |
|
Poverty rate |
80% |
65% |
60% |
64% |
|
Extreme poverty rate |
46% |
32% |
29% |
34% |
|
US $2 per day poverty |
33% |
19% |
13% |
16% |
|
|
Urban |
|
Poverty rate |
70% |
55% |
48% |
55% |
|
Extreme poverty rate |
27% |
17% |
10% |
14% |
|
US $2 per day poverty |
34% |
5% |
3% |
5% |
|
|
Rural |
|
Poverty rate |
94% |
80% |
79% |
79% |
|
Extreme poverty rate |
68% |
48% |
37% |
37% |
|
US $2 per day poverty |
59% |
38% |
29% |
30% |
When poverty is measured using the NBI methodology, a different
pattern is seen: poverty decreased in the late 1990s from 37.2% in
1993 to 23% in 2000 (Baldión &
Esteban, 2001). Most of the
improvement of the indicator has been due to improvements in housing
materials and utilities, which is in part a result of governmental
effort to increase the coverage of public infrastructure among the
poor. Also, coverage rates of primary education and utilities
increased substantially between 1992 and 1997, particularly among
the bottom 2 quintiles of income (De
Ferranti, Lafourcade, Giugale, Hicks, &
Vélez, 2002).
The
fact that poverty measured by NBI is decreasing is an indication of
a greater access to public services such as utilities and education,
which eventually translate into an improvement of people’s
well-being. However, the fact that poverty measured by the Poverty
Line is increasing is an indication that there is a greater
financial constraint within households and this is translated into
more immediate material hardship. The economic crisis at the end of
the 1990s was a major reason for the increase in poverty rates (and
the loss of improvements reached in the early 1990s). This made
evident the lack of an adequate safety-net protection system in the
country able to protect individuals from an economic shock
(Lasso, 2004; World Bank, 2002a).
According to the most recent national household survey (2003),
between 54% and 68% of people in Colombia are poor, depending on the
type of poverty line that is used[10]
(Nuñez & Espinosa, 2005)
Moreover, 37% of children under the age of 18 are chronically
poor (meaning that they are currently poor and are likely to remain
poor in the future), 17% are indigent and over two thirds of
children under the age of six are poor (Fedesarrollo,
2004b). A recent report published by the
United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the
Caribbean (ECLAC) shows that 25% of children in Colombia live in
families with inadequate income to meet their nutritional needs.
Trends in income inequality
Income inequality decreased substantially during the 1960s and
1970s, did not change very much during the 1980s, but then it has
been increasing since the late 1980s. The Gini coefficient
increased from 0.54 in 1988 to 0.57 to 1999; the share of the top
quintile of the distribution relative to the bottom quintile
increased from 17.6 to 20.2 times in this period (De Ferranti,
2002). Not only inequality has been increasing, but also since the
mid 1990s it has been increasing at a more rapid rate than before.
The income ration of the top decile over the bottom decile increased
from 50.3 times to 57.8 times between 1996 and 1999
(De Ferranti, 2003).[11]
In
the last decade, those at the bottom of the distribution have lost
and those close to the top of the distribution have gained, leading
to a widening of the income gap. This can be seen in Table 2.
Individuals from the first five deciles have lost income, but the
ones in the very bottom have lost at a much higher rate: people from
the bottom decile had 0.92 of total income in 1991 and only 0.6 of
total income in 2000 (a drop of 35%). In contrast, people from the
8th and 9th
deciles have significantly increased their participation on total
income.
Table 3. Income participation by income decile in Colombia
(1991-2000)
|
Decile |
1991 |
1996 |
2000 |
|
1 |
0.92 |
0.63 |
0.6 |
|
2 |
2.09 |
1.96 |
1.76 |
|
3 |
2.94 |
2.88 |
2.67 |
|
4 |
3.84 |
3.82 |
3.58 |
|
5 |
4.81 |
4.83 |
4.61 |
|
6 |
5.98 |
6.11 |
5.90 |
|
7 |
7.54 |
7.78 |
7.67 |
|
8 |
9.86 |
10.41 |
10.49 |
|
9 |
14.08 |
15.23 |
16.12 |
|
10 |
47.93 |
46.36 |
46.57 |
Comparison with Latin America
Comparatively, Latin America is the most unequal region in the
world, although it is not the poorest region (by 1998, the
average poverty rate in Latin America was 10.5% whereas in Asia
it was 15.6% and in Africa it was 63.6% (De
Ferranti et al., 2003). Latin America
has been diagnosed with “excess poverty” and “excess inequality”
(Attanasio & Székely, 2001),
meaning that given its level of development it is a
region with much higher poverty and inequality than expected.
Moreover, there is no indication that this “excess” is
diminishing: poverty rates in Latin America are not improving in
most of the countries of the region and inequality is
increasing.
According to a World Bank’s recent report on inequality in Latin
America (De Ferranti et
al., 2003), the recent trend in
the region is one of growing inequality, even for those
countries with “low” inequality in Latin-American standards
(such as Argentina, Uruguay and Venezuela). Colombia is not an
exception to this regional trend. Among South American
countries, only Brazil and Paraguay had a decrease in inequality
during the 1990s. However, contrary to Colombia, during the
1990s inequality in most Latin American countries increased at a
slower rate than in the previous decades (as mentioned above,
Colombian inequality is accelerating since the mid 1990s).
In
terms of the levels of inequality, however, Colombia ranks
moderately high in Latin America and ranks high in South
America. If we use the Gini coefficient as an indicator of
inequality, Colombia ranks third among South American countries
(for which data are available) after Brazil and Bolivia. The
difference with Brazil, which is the most unequal country in
Latin America, the difference is only 1 point[12].
Using the Theil index, which is more sensitive to changes in the
lower end of the income distribution, Colombia ranks first,
indicating the relatively large bias against the very poor. In
sum, Colombia is one of the most unequal countries in Latin
America, which at the same time is the most unequal region in
the world.
In
terms of poverty, according to the latest data available across
countries[13],
in 1999 Colombia, with a poverty rate of 54.9% ranked 4th
in the South American countries after Ecuador (with 63.5% of the
population living under the poverty line), Bolivia and Paraguay
(60.6%) (ECLAC,
2005).
Although Colombia’s poverty rate is lower than most Central
American countries, it is significantly higher than Brazil’s
(37.5%), Chile’s (20.6%) and Argentina (which had a poverty rate
of 19.7% in 1999 and 41.5% in 2002).
With respect to trends in poverty, the general trend in Latin
America during the 1990s was toward the reduction of poverty (De
Ferranti, 2003), with a slight increase for the early 2000s
There is a lot of heterogeneity in the region in terms of
progress in reducing poverty. While some countries such as
Mexico, Chile and Ecuador have made important progress in
reducing poverty rates in others such as Argentina, Bolivia,
Uruguay and Paraguay, poverty has increased. Colombia, along
with Brazil, Panama and Venezuela is among the countries where
poverty progress in reducing poverty has stagnated in the early
2000s (ECLAC, 2005).
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Child, Youth
and Family Policy Regimes
Maternity Benefits
Women
who contribute to the social security system or who contribute as
self-employed are eligible for maternity leave. The maternity leave
is paid and covers 12 weeks after delivery. The woman has the right
to cede one week of leave to her spouse or partner (and then her
leave will be reduced to 11 weeks). In order to be eligible for
this maternity leave the woman has to be affiliated with the social
security system and have proof that she had contributed without
interruptions during all her pregnancy.
Also,
individuals who adopt a child are also eligible for a 12-week paid
leave. In order to be eligible, the adoptive parent must have
contributed to the social security system for at least 33 weeks.
It is
important to note that about 51% of women aged 18 to 55 are employed[14]
and among those who are employed, 63% are in the informal sector
(Fedesarrollo, 2004a).
This means that about 6 million working-age women (most of
whom are also in their childbearing age) are potentially unprotected
for maternity.
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Early Childhood
Education and Care (ECEC)
The
Constitution of 1991 declared the education as a right for children
aged 5 to 15 (including at least one year of pre-primary education
and nine of basic education). In 1993, the Social Security Law gave
special attention to young children and established special programs
targeted towards pregnant women, infants and women head of
households. Also, in 1994, the General Education Law established at
least one obligatory year of preschool education called Grade Zero (Grado
Cero or Transición) and in 1997 the law stipulated this
year of preschool as universal for public institutions
(Ministerio de Educación Nacional &
UNESCO, 1999). These legal reforms have
translated into an important expansion of education and services for
children 0-5. However, the coverage of services for this age group
is still limited (as shown below).
It
is important to note that until the mid 70s pre-primary education
was not important within educational policy in Colombia. In 1975
enrollment was very low and it was mainly offered by private
institutions to high SES children in the main cities
(Ministerio de
Educación Nacional & UNESCO, 1999).
Although by 1985 enrollment more than doubled, and public
participation also increased, it was not until the early 1990s that
important pieces of legislation lead to significant expansion of
services. Colombia does not have a
comprehensive early childhood education and care policy. Both the
legal framework and the institutions that provide services to this
group of children are fragmented. For example, the new mandate of
Grade Zero for children age 5 represents an important step towards
improving education for this age group, however, the fact that these
children are going to be in formal schools does not make clear if
they are going to benefit from other programs that are provided by
the ICBF and that are important for their health and nutrition (i.e.
there is a lack of coordination between the Ministry of Education
and ICBF – see page 4). However, it is important to recognize that
the ICBF has played a major role in protecting children in
Colombia. Although a national comprehensive policy is still in
need, and many of the programs need to be improved, this institution
has developed important programs towards young children, as
described below.
Broad policy and specific Programs
Colombia has two main strategies directed to early childhood:
preventive care (care, health and nutrition) and pre-primary
education. These are mainly designed to “compensate” for unequal
initial conditions among disadvantaged children when they enter the
formal education system (Ministerio de
Educación Nacional & UNESCO, 1999).
The main program that carries out the preventive care
strategy is the Community Welfare Homes (Hogares Comunitarios de
Bienestar) and the main programs that carry out the pre-primary
education strategy are the Child Homes (Hogares Infantiles)
and the obligatory pre-school year before entering to first grade (Grado
Cero), which are all explained below. It is important to note
from the outset that these programs overlap in terms of the age
group they serve and it is not very clear what criteria are used for
who is served in which program or who can use more than one program.
The
following is a description of the programs that are aimed towards
children 0-6 years old (most of them targeted to children who come
from poor and vulnerable families):
-
Hogares FAMI – Familia, Mujer e Infancia
(Family, Infants and Women Homes).
These
are centers for pregnant women and mothers of children under the age
of 2 who are in a vulnerable situation (either psychological or
socioeconomic). It offers workshops on nutrition and health,
monitors the nutritional situation of children, promotes hygiene and
immunization, and provides a nutritional supplement called
Bienestarina[15],
which is a kind of flour that has milk, vitamins and minerals and is
of high nutritional value.
-
Materno Infantil
(Infants and moms). This program is targeted towards pregnant
women, mothers who are breastfeeding and children under the age
of 7 who live in rural areas and who are not enrolled in a
FAMI (program explained above). This program provides a
monthly provision of Bienestarina (nutritional
supplement) and it also offers health and nutrition workshops to
families, and promotes insurance of children and mothers to the
social security system (health insurance).
-
Hogares Comunitarios de Bienestar
(Community Welfare Homes). These are family-day care centers
that are run by “Community Mothers” (women from the community
who are paid 2/3 of the minimum wage and who provide care to up
to 15 children in their own home). The program is targeted to
children under the age of 6 who come from poor or vulnerable
families. In addition to the provision of day care, these
centers offer a nutritional supplement, monitoring of the
children’s nutrition, the promotion of immunization and the
promotion for registering in the health system (for the children
and their families). In addition, parents also receive
workshops to promote better family relationships.
This program is one of the largest coverage in the country but at
the same time it has many problems in terms of targeting because not
all the children covered come from the poorest families. The
program has also been criticized for its poor quality: many of the
“Community Mothers” do not have the minimum educational requirements
and many of the homes do not have adequate materials
(Nuñez & Espinosa, 2005).
-
Hogares Infantiles
(Child Homes). These are more formal day care centers, which in
addition to providing care, nutrition and preventive health care
(monitoring of growth, promotion of immunization) they also
provide a more structured program that aims to stimulate
children’s cognitive and social skills. Also, these centers are
run by professional staff and in facilities owned (or paid for)
by the government. These centers are targeted on children from 6
months old up to 5 years old who have at least one working
parent and it also (in theory) aims to serve low-income
families.
The quality of this program is much higher than the quality of
the Community Welfare Homes, however the coverage is much lower
(both because it is more costly and because it benefits more
middle-class families and not poor families, which is the main
interest of the ICBF) (Perotti, 2000).
Overall, as of September of 2005 there were 1,279,076 children
covered by the different types of “homes” described above. Of
these, 59% correspond to the Community Welfare Homes, 29% to the
Family, Infants and Women Homes, and 10% to the Child Homes (to
my knowledge not data is available by type of home)[16].
-
Grado Cero
(Grade Zero). This is the first obligatory year of formal
education and corresponds to one year of pre-primary school. It
is aimed to prepare children for first grade (mostly in reading
and math). One important note here is that when a child goes
from a Child Home to Grade Zero, he/she may loose the nutrition
and preventive care benefits received in the Child Homes.
Although the food programs in schools (School Restaurants
- Restaurantes Escolares)
may serve the nutrition component, it is not clear that all
needy children are covered (because the food program is
school-based and the child may not be enrolled in a beneficiary
school).
Unlike the other programs mentioned above (which are run by the
Colombian Institute of Social Welfare (ICBF), the Grade Zero
(formal pre-primary education) is coordinated by the Ministry of
Education and implemented by the Departamentos (“states”)
and municipalities. In terms of coverage, the net coverage for
this grade in 2003 was only 42.6% (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación, 2005c)
-
Familias en Acción.
Very recently (in 2001) the program Families in Action (Familias
en Acción) was created following the successful
experience of Progresa/Oportunidades in Mexico.
Families in Action is a conditional cash transfer program
aimed at poor families with children. It has two main
components: a nutritional and health component targeted on
children under the age of seven and an educational component
targeted on children between the ages of 7 and 17 (this
later component will be explained in the school-aged
children section). The nutritional and health component is
a cash subsidy per family with children under 7 and it is
conditioned on regular check-up visits to the health center
to control nutrition and growth progress of children. This
program is run by a centralized agency, the RAS or Safety
Net (Red de Apoyo Social), which is part of the
Presidential Agency for Social Action and International
Cooperation.
This program is perhaps the only social program in Colombia
that is under a rigorous evaluation (as part of a recent
effort of starting an “evaluation culture” of public
policies). Preliminary results of the evaluation of
Families in Action have shown strong effects on nutrition
and health for children under 7 (Atanassio,
Battistin, Fitzsimons, Mesnard, &
Vera-Hernández, 2005; Departamento Nacional de Planeación,
2004). As of December of 2005,
Familias en Acción benefited 897,896 children
(Departamento Nacional de
Planeación, 2005b) which
represents 90% of the government goal of 1 million children
covered by 2006 (including both the nutritional and
education components).
-
Children’s breakfast.
This nutrition program was created in 2003 and is targeted
on very poor children[17]
aged 6 months to 5 years old living in municipalities that
are not covered by the program Familias en Acción
(described above). The program provides a daily nutritional
breakfast during the working days (weekends or holidays are
not included) as well as actions of health promotion and
prevention (such as growth and development monitoring). As
of December of 2005, this program covered 1,006,074
children, surpassing the goal of 1 million children that the
government originally (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación, 2005b).
The Private Sector
The private sector plays an important role in the
provision of preventive and childcare services in
Colombia. In recent years, the government (through the
ICBF) is paying some foundations and NGOs for the
provision of services (the payment is per child
served). There is no information on the exact number of
private institutions or number of children covered, but
according to the latest report given to UNESCO, there
were 145 institutions in the country providing services
to young children, but it is not clear from the
information obtained how many of these provide formal
pre-primary education and how many provide preventive
care (Ministerio de Educación
Nacional & UNESCO, 1999).
It is known that 45% of children enrolled in
pre-primary education are enrolled in private
institutions, but it is not clear how many of these are
slots paid by the government.
Coverage
Colombia made significant progress in expanding coverage
of formal education to children aged 5 and 6, increasing
from 54% in 1992 to 84% in 2003 (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación, 2005c).
However, the net coverage for pre-primary
education (including 3 and 4 year olds in addition to 5
year olds[18])
is still low at 37% (UNESCO,
2005). When we look at
the 5-year old group alone, which is the official age of
obligatory pre-primary education, Colombia also made
important progress since the early 1990s (as many other
Latin American countries did), however the coverage as
of 1998 was relatively low at 53% (compared to 100% in
Argentina, 77% in Peru, 58% in Brazil, and 55% in Chile)
(UNESCO, 2001).
With respect to preventive care, as of 1997 24% of
children between the ages of 0 and 6 (and 60% of the
targeted population in terms of both age and income)
were served by the child care and preventive care
services offered by the ICBF (Ministerio
de Educación Nacional &
UNESCO, 1999). In 2003,
the situation was not better: according to a recent
national representative survey, only 26% of children
under the age of 5 were covered by public services
and 11% by private institutions, while 63% of
children under the age of 5 are being taking care by
a family member (Fedesarrollo,
2004b).
Despite the legal reforms carried out in the 90s,
young children in Colombia are still very vulnerable
and unprotected. Over two thirds of children under
the age of six are poor and almost one-half (45%) do
not have health insurance (Fedesarrollo,
2004b) and as mentioned
above, more than half of preschool-age children are
outside the formal educational pre-primary education
system.
Unfortunately, not all the programs described above
have the desired coverage and most importantly, they
do not always cover the target population for which
they were created. For example, recent estimates
reveal that public day care centers cover only 27%
of children in the lowest income quintile (while
they cover 17% of children in the top quintile)
(Fedesarrollo, 2004b).
Family child care is disproportionably used
by low-income families as opposed to center care.
While 70% of families from the bottom two quintile
use family-care for their children under 5, only 49%
of families in the top quintile do. Conversely, 29%
of families from the bottom quintiles use center
care compared to 51% for the top quintile. This
means that resources are not being use effectively
and that many of the most needy are being excluded
from the services.
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Child Support
Cajas de Compensation Familiar
(Family Compensation Funds)
Colombia does not have a universal child allowance. However,
low-income individuals attached to the workforce are benefited from
the Family Compensation Funds (Cajas de Compensation Familiar).
These funds are financed by a 4 percent payroll tax and provide
subsidies to workers with children or dependent adults who have
earnings lower than four times the minimum wage (or lower than six
times the minimum wage when the spouse’s earnings are counted). The
subsidies are both in the form of cash and in-kind. The amount of
cash subsidy is per dependent and it is on average $13,968 per month
(approximately US$6) (Nuñez & Espinosa,
2005), which is less than 5% of the
minimum wage. The in-kind subsidies usually include help with
housing, education, food and recreation, and vary according to the
Fund.
One
of the main limitations of this subsidy is that it only benefits
those who are employed and therefore excludes all individuals who
work in the informal sector and who are more likely to have lower
incomes. This is very serious if we take into account that 63% of
workers are in the informal sector (Fedesarrollo,
2004a). Not surprisingly, only 1.2% of
beneficiaries from Family Compensation Funds are from the lowest
income quintile; while 66% of beneficiaries are in the 4th
and 5th quintiles (Lasso, 2004).
Work and training programs
Empleo en Acción
(Employment in Action) and Jóvenes en Acción (Youth in
Action) are two programs that are part of the “social support
network” (Red de Apoyo Social) that was created in 2000 (as
well as the conditional cash transfers program Familias en Acción
explained in the early childhood and education sections).
Employment in Action is a workfare program that provides temporary
employment to poor, unemployed, low skilled workers by employing
them in public works such as school expansions and road repairs (the
works are located in poor communities so that there is a double
benefit to the program). Between 2001 and 2004 this program
implemented 2,788 projects and generated 211,307 temporary jobs
(Castro, 2004). However, the
program was finished and replaced with the Program of Direct
Employment Support (PADE for its abbreviation in Spanish[19]),
which is a program that subsidizes part of the minimum wage over a
period of 6 months to new employees hired.
Youth in Action is a program based on the Chilean program
Chile Jóven. It provides practical training and financial
support to unemployed, low-income youth[20].
The first phase of the program is a three to five month long
training course provided by private sector firms, and the second
phase is a three month internship. Participants receive a
scholarship during both the training and internship periods. The
scholarship is equivalent to approximately US$63 per month for
women with children under 7 and US$44 per month for others
(World
Bank, 2002a).
Since 2002, a total of 99,483 youth graduated from this program
and in 2005 there were 26,585 enrolled (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación, 2005b).
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Child Education
Education in Colombia is compulsory for the ages 5 to 15, including
one year of preschool and nine years of basic education (five of
primary school and four years of basic secondary school). Formal
education also includes two years of high school (educacion
media) which are not compulsory but are required in order to
receive a high school degree and enter into post secondary education
(i.e. college, technical school, etc).
According to the 1991 Constitution (Article 67), education should be
free in all public institutions. In practice, however, only primary
basic education is totally free in public schools. Secondary and
higher education in public schools charge some minimum fees, usually
based on the family’s income.
As it
was mentioned above, Colombia made important progress during the
1990s in increasing social welfare expenditures, including education
(although the trend decreased in the early 2000s). During the
decade, increased coverage was one of the main goals of the
government, in part followed by the mandate of the new Constitution
that stated that education as a right for children 5 to 15. From
1992 to 2003, enrollment rates for children aged 7 to 11 increased
from 90.2% to 96.3%, and from 69.2% to 79.6% for children age 12 to
17. Although these are significant improvements, it is important to
note that net coverage for primary education (i.e. the proportion of
children 7 to 11 that are in primary school) only increased from
83.8% in 1992 to 85.6% in 2003. The net coverage for secondary
education (i.e. the proportion of children 12 to 17 that are
enrolled in secondary school) was larger, increasing from 47.9% in
1992 to 62.5% in 2003 (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación, 2005c). Compared
to other Latin American countries, Colombia’s net coverage of
primary education is close to that of Chile’s (88.8%) but lower that
that of Brazil (96.5%), Argentina (99.8%) and Mexico (99.4%). Net
coverage of secondary education is lower compared to Brazil (71.6%),
Chile (74.5%) and Argentina (80.8%) (UNESCO,
2005).
According to the most recent national household survey, 78% of
children 5 to 11 years old are enrolled in public schools, 16% in
private schools and 6% are not enrolled at all. Among children
12-18 years old, 58% are enrolled in public schools, 15% in private
schools and 27% are not enrolled in school. It is important to note
that 61% of children 5 to 11 years old who are not enrolled in
school are poor, and 79% of children 12 to 17 years old who are not
enrolled in school are poor (Nuñez &
Espinosa, 2005), highlighting the need to
address poverty in order to increase school enrollment and the
potential positive effects of Familias en Acción (explained
next).
Familias en Acción
Familias en Acción
was created in 2001 trying to emulate the Mexican program
Oportunidades as an effort to increase school enrollment among
poor children. The program provides a subsidy to poor
families with school-aged children and in exchange families are
required to keep their children enrolled in school and maintain an
attendance rate of not less than 80 percent and not repeating more
than one grade (the program also has a nutrition component for
children 0 to 6 – see ECEC section above). The amount of the
subsidy is per child enrolled and it is twice as large for students
in secondary school as for those in primary school[21].
The program is having an important effect on school enrollment.
In urban areas the program increased school attendance for
children 12-17 years old by 3.5 percentage points (and no
significant effect on children 8-11 years old). In the rural
areas the program increased school enrollment by 2.9 percentage
points for children 8-11 and by 4.6 percentage points for
children 12-17 years old (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación (DNP), 2004).
As of December of 2005, Familias en Acción benefited
897,896 children (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación, 2005b) which
represents 90% of the government goal of 1 million children
covered by 2006. It is important to
note that although there has been an important progress in
expanding the coverage of this program, the total number of
children covered represents 21% of the potential eligible
children[22].
School Nutrition Program
This program provides a nutritional supplement to children 5
to 18. The supplement is provided through schools and is
targeted to poor children (SISBEN 1 and 2). Breakfast is
targeted to children aged 5 to 12 and should provide a
minimum of 20% of the minimum calories and nutrients needed
according to age. Lunch and snack are targeted to all
children and should provide 30% and 7.5% of calories needed
respectively. In addition to improving the nutritional
status of children, this program also serves as an incentive
to enroll poor children in school and avoid dropping out.
As of December of 2005 the school nutrition program covered
a total of 2,543,163 children (Departamento
Nacional de Planeación, 2005b),
which is about 89% of the targeted population[23].
It is important to note that the targeted population is very
poor children (SISBEN 1 and 2). If we take into account the
total number of chronically poor children (who eventually
would need to benefit from this program) the beneficiaries
of the program represent 62%.
Children and Youth
Clubs
These are clubs for children aged 7 to 12 (Children
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